
HOWARD KENDALL SANDERSON 



Lynn in the I 



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HOWARD KENDALL SANDERSON 



Lynn in the Revolution 



COMPILED FROM NOTES 



GATHERED BY 



HOWARD KENDALL SANDERSON 



IN TWO PARTS 
PART I 



W. B. CLARKE COMPANY 

26 AND 28 Tremont Street 

BOSTON 

1909 



.,.:> "i- 



Copyright, 1909 
By CARRIE .AlAY SANDERSON 



C:CIA253377 



" Ilappv, thrice happy, shall they be pronounced hereafter who have con- 
tributed anything, who have performed the meanest office in erecting this 
stupendous fabric of Freedom and Empire on the broad basis of indepen- 
dency, who have assisted in protecting the rights of human nature, and estab- 
Hshing an asylum for the poor and oppressed of all nations and religions." — 
W askiiKjtoil n Address to the Army, April 18, 1783. 



Preface 

OrR country is still yoiin<>;. Its story may yet be 
told from the beginning, and may hold for its 
children of to-day the freshness and reality of a 
few yesterdays ago. It is not difficult for the mind to 
com])ass the whole history of our wonderful nation and 
to bring distinctly and vividly to view the small be- 
ginnings, the sure growth, the gathering tide of events 
which made of the American Colonies one of the great 
world powers. Yet the onward march has been so 
swift, the planting and rearing and maintaining has 
been so earnest and so eager, great men and brilliant 
leaders have come so swiftly upon the scene, that we have 
often been in danger of letting slip into forgetfulness the 
quieter work and the humbler lives, without which the 
solid foundations could never have been laid. It is only 
as we feel ourselves a part of a great and noble whole 
that its purposes and fortunes become more precious to 
us; and if our own fathers wrought, however obscurely, 
in the building of a noble structure, it becomes an es- 
pecial delight to preserve the record and to hand it on 
to those who may come after us. 

When we find that we are able to weave into the his- 
tory of our great country — that history which has been 
written and rewritten until it has become a familiar 
household story — the little family traditions, the hopes, 
the fears, the struggles of the locality in which we live 
and in which our ancestors played their part, there is 
wakened in us a new interest, if not a new patriotism, 

[V] 



Preface 

and we are eager to share with others our pleasure and 
our enthusiasm. Such, at least, was the experience of 
him who gathered the material for the local story of the 
Revolution, which is told in the pages of this book. 

The discovery that in the hands of a descendant of 
the Revolutionary soldier, Henry Hallowell, of Lynn, 
there was a complete narrative of the experiences of that 
patriotic townsman as a soldier, written by himself, — 
a narrative which had never been published, — suggested 
to Mr. Sanderson the idea that there might be enough of 
interest in it to warrant its publication. That alone was 
the extent of the plan which at first presented itself to 
his mind. But a careful reading of the manuscript re- 
vealed the fact that names and events were mentioned 
which were not commonly known, and which led to in- 
quiries and the gleaning of additional facts, until paths 
for investigation seemed to open in all directions and it 
became an absorbing interest to follow them. As new 
facts came to light, the conviction grew that these, added 
to the Hallowell narrative, would make a story of unusual 
interest to the descendants of old Lynn. For three years 
Mr. Sanderson employed the leisure snatched from a 
multitude of cares in gathering the material for this story, 
and it was with untiring interest that he searched the 
records of the nation, the state, and the neighboring 
towns for the names of Lynn soldiers. Many of the 
descendants of the soldiers themselves were able to give 
him much desirable information regarding them, and a 
few individuals aided him constantly in his work, — not- 
ably Miss Harriet L. Matthews, the city librarian, who 
with unfailing courtesy and sympathy not only placed 
at his disposal the valuable historical records of the Lynn 

[vi] 



Preface 

Public Library, but also often added data which she her- 
self had gathered. Mr. Frank E. Swain frequently ac- 
companied him on his pilgrimages, and by his work with 
the camera made it possible to obtain the hitherto unpub- 
lished portraits and the facsimiles of documents which are 
now presented for the first time. 

When the autumn day came, in 1904, when he who 
had planned so much must lay down his pen for the 
last time, the work which had become so dear was un- 
finished, the purpose which had grown so full and clear 
was unfulfilled, and had to be laid aside with all the plans 
and purposes of a strong and active life. The abundant 
sheets were put away for many days, but, when at length 
they were again gathered together, it was found that, 
incomplete thotigh the work must now be, it was not im- 
possible that something of the original plan might still 
be carried out. The first draft of the Lexington Chap- 
ter and the Captain John Mansfield Chapter had been 
made, many of the biographical sketches had been writ- 
ten, the Lexington companies had been completed, and 
multitudes of notes were ready for arrangement and for 
verification, together with a clearly indicated outline for 
the completion of the work. That outline has been as 
closely followed as possible, and the story has been woven 
together as connectedly as might be in the book which 
is now given to the public. It is inevitable that some in- 
accuracies should creep into a work of this kind. A few 
dates may be found which are incorrect, but they are 
such as could not be corrected until their publication dis- 
covered the few persons who might be able to make them 
right. 

If in the reading of the book there is awakened some 

[ vii ] 



Preface 

slight degree of the interest and pleasure which were 
its inspiration, the reward will be sufficient for thus put- 
ting into enduring form the result of many days of patient 
research and labor given by one who loved Lynn, the 
city of his adoption, and who died here on the fourteenth 
of December, 1904. 



[ viii ] 



PART I 



Contents 



CHAPTER PAGE 

• INTiiODLCTlON xv 

I. EARLY FAMILIES AND EARLY WARS 1 

II. BEGINNINGS OF THE REVOLUTION — EARLY PATRIOTIC 

VOTES OF THE TOWN AND MEASURES TAKEN 7 

III. THE LEXINGTON ALARM IN LYNN 25 

IV. THE GATHERING OF THE ARMY AT CAMBRIDGE AND 

THE BAITLE OF BUNKER HILL 51 

V. COLONEL JOHN MANSFIELD 62 

VI. LYNN MEN UNDER CAl^TAIN NEWHALL AND CAPTAIN 

KING— THE SIEGE OF BOSTON 76 

VII. THE MARCH TO NEW YORK AND ACROSS THE 

JERSEYS WITH WASHINGTON 84 

VIII. LYNN'S PART IN THE BURGOYNE CAMPAIGN 95 

IX. THE RHODE ISLAND CAMPAIGN AND SERVICE 

AT SEA 114 

X. AT WEST POINT 130 

XI. THE END OF THE STORY 142 

XII. THE HALLOWELL JOURNAL 149 

SUPPLE:SIENT 179 

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES 185 



[Xi] 



List of Illustrations 

Facing page 

Portrait of Howard Kendall Sanderson .... Frontispiece u 

Mai' of Lynn in ye Olden Time xvi '^ 

Pages from Lynn Records 7, 8, 16, 17, 52 ^ 

IVIap of Ancient Lynn 26 

Jedediah Newhall House 29 

Old Boston Street and Vicinity, 1775 30 

Frederick Breed House 31 

Increase Newhall Tavern 33 

GowiNG Tavern 34 

The Reynolds House 40 

Willow C.\stle 43 

A Revolutionary Record page 46 

Home of Colonel Ezra Newhall 49 

Commission of John Upton 56 ' 

Gravestones of Colonel Mansfield and Colonel Flagg ... 75. 

Commission of Harris Chadwell 80 

Silhouette of Colonel John Flagg page 98*^ 

Commission of Theophilus Bacheller 107'' 

CoMivnssioN OF Jonathan Brown Ill' 

Portrait of Zachariah Attwill 117 

Home of Charles Florence page 125 

Fac-similes of Soldiers' Passes page 135 

The Isaac Org.\.n House 141 

Fac-similes of Soldiers' Discharges 143 

Group in Old Western Burial Ground page 145 

Memorial to Revolutionary Soldiers page 147 

Cover of Hallowell Journal 149 

Commission of Frederick Breed 150 

Pages from the Hallowell Journal 169 

Discharge of Henry Hallowell 177 

The Henfield House 187 

The Nath.\n Attwill House 192' 

Commission of Theophilus Bacheller 196 

[ xiii ] 



List of Illustrations 

Facing page 

Commission of Cafi^ain Nathaniel Bancroft 201 

The Nathaniel Bancroft House '^02 

Home of John Batts page 205 

The Abijah Boardivlvn House 210 

The Ivory Boardal\n House 212 

The Samuel Boardman House 214 

The Ephraim Breed House 219 

Gravestones of Ebenezer Burrill and Is.\ac Organ 238 

Commission of Lieutenant Harris Chadwell 246 

Portrait of Dr. Abijah Cheever 252 

Doctor Abijah Cheever House 254 

Portrait of Dr. James Gardner 274 

Old Church, Lynnfield Centre 285 

Old Hallowell House 289 

Gravestones of Harris Chadwell and Captain Ebenezer 

Hart 293 

The Hitchings-Dhaper-Hawkes House 298 

Nathan Hawkes House 301 

John Ireson's List of Cartridges "^ 317 

The Tarbell House 320 

Discharge of John Larrabee 329 

Thomas Mansfield House 347 

Application for Pension for Ebenezer Parsons 405 

Discharge of Ebenezer Parsons 406 

Certificate of James Robinson 427 

Portrait of Captain James Robinson 428 

RoBY House , page 429 

Home of David Tufts 448 

Old Tunnel Meeting-house jmge 466 



[xiv] 



INTRODUCTION 



Introduction 

STANDING to-day upon one of the pleasant hill- 
sides of Lynn and lookino; out over the busy and 
populous city, we realize how great have been the 
changes since the first five families came from the 
mother country and took up their abode on the "faire 
level plain" before us. Our city lies close to the sea, 
facing the waters of Massachusetts Bay, and stretches 
back to a range of heavily wooded hills, covered now, 
as in the days of the first settlers, with a growth of oak, 
pine, and maple. From these hills, the highest in Essex 
County, the eye reaches westw^ard to Mount Wachusett, 
south to the Blue Hills of Milton, and northeast to the 
headlands of Cape Ann. In front the winding shore 
reveals Hull, Scituate, and Hingham. Boston, to the 
southwest, is distinctly located by the glittering dome of 
the State House; and the islands which dot its harbor, 
even to Minot's Ledge, are within view, their numer- 
ous lights at night gleaming with kindly beacons to the 
ships coming in frpm the sea. It is only as w^e look out 
over the unchanging waters of the Atlantic that we can 
think of the scene as the same which met the eyes of 
our Puritan ancestors. There Nahant, with the same 
long sandy beach which New England's first historian, 
William Wood, mentions as sheltering the little harbor 
of Lynn, and old Egg Rock, lie as peacefully before us 
as when Nahant was only used by the white settlers for 
the "pasturage of young cattle, goats, and swine." 
Turning from the sea and glancing landward, to the 

[XV] 



Introduction 

right, the winding Saugus River still follows its ancient 
course and, bordered })y hill and valley, flows down to the 
bay. At the back of the city, nestled among the wooded 
hills, are its series of pleasant ponds and lakes. 

It is not the purpose of this book to enter into a de- 
scription of the early settlement of Lynn in detail, but, 
that there may be a background for the narrative which 
is to follow, it may be well to sketch briefly a few out- 
lines. We may take it for granted, perhaps, that while 
various motives may have led our forefathers to cross 
the Atlantic and risk life and fortune in a new and un- 
tried country, the one which stood before all others was 
the desire to found an asylum where religious liberty 
might be enjoyed. Why this should have seemed to 
them necessary, why it was not possible for them to re- 
main in old England, dear to them through every asso- 
ciation, is a story which has been often told, and would 
take us back through a hundred years and more of the 
history of Europe. It is enough that through many 
troubled years a readjustment of religious thinking had 
been taking place in England, together with the advance 
in science and art and letters. The number had been 
growing constantly larger of those who felt that they could 
no longer conscientiously conform to the usages of the 
Church. Non-conformists they became, perforce, and 
the most radical among them chose exile rather than sub- 
mission to requirements which savored to them of popery 
and idolatry. Thus some of these people, at the begin- 
ning of the seventeenth century, were to be found in 
Holland, and a little later, braving the hardships of win- 
ter, on the shores of America, encompassed about by 
famine, disease, and a savage foe. They were separa- 

[ xvi ] 



^ i 
I 













/ A' 






'A ?^^^>^r w ^^ 










Introduction 

tists ill tliouo;lit and reality from the Church of their native 
land. Fanatics, persistent and disloyal, they were con- 
sidered, although some of them were among the most 
learned and heretofore most honored among their coun- 
trymen. Only a few, however, were in that brave little 
band at Plymouth. The great majority of friends and 
sympathizers to some extent in the new movement re- 
mained in England, not yet ready to separate from the 
mother Church. It is plain, however, that for long there 
was in the minds of these earnest men the purpose to 
some day plant in America another colony where they 
themselves might put into practice, unmolested, their 
religious views. Not that none came to these shores 
with the idea of settling. From the time of the planting 
of the Plymouth Colony until the foundation of the one 
which most nearly interests us, — quoting from Mather's 
" Magnalia," — "There were more than a few attempts of 
the English to people and improve the parts of New Eng- 
land which were to the northward of New Plymouth. 
But the designs of these attempts being aimed no higher 
than the advancement of some worldly interests, a con- 
stant series of disasters confounded them, until there 
was a plantation erected u])on the nobler designs of 
Christianity." He refers, no doubt, to those settlements 
which were made to further the fishing interests of the 
London merchants, the chief of which, probably, being 
the one at Cape Ann, and which lasted for a year or more. 
A few of the more industrious and honest of the men of 
that plantation did, indeed, remain and become per- 
manent settlers, although not at Cape Ann, but "some 
four or five leagues further south to Nahum-Keike," — 
a quaint rendering of our familiar "Naumkeag." 

[ xvii ] 



Introduction 

The little company of men who established themselves 
at Nahum-Keike laid the foundation on which the next 
colonies were built; yet because they came unofficially 
as it were, and were overshadowed by the superior con- 
dition of those who soon followed them, it is not the name 
of their governor, Roger Conant, which stands out most 
prominently in the records, but that of "Master Endicot 
a man well known to divers persons of good note," ap- 
pointed and sent over a little later by the Massachusetts 
Bay Company, in England. Master Endicott with his 
men arrived at Naumkeag in September, 1628, and, unit- 
ing with the planters already there under Roger Conant, 
made a company of "not above fifty or sixty persons," 
who were the pioneers of the Massachusetts Bay Col- 
ony. The next year, 1629, a much larger company came 
with their minister, Francis Higginson, and a colony of 
some three hundred persons began taking up land and 
making homes. It was from this band that the first five 
families came who are recorded as being in that year at 
"Saugust, now Linne." Their names are given by the 
historian Alonzo Lewis as Edmund Ingalls, Francis 
Ingalls, William Dixey, William Wood, and John Wood. 
Of these, William Dixey, who came from England in the 
employ of Mr. Isaac Johnson, gives us, according to Mr. 
Lewis, the authentic statement in regard to their settle- 
ment at Lynn. In a deposition in Essex Court, in 1657, 
he says that upon his arrival at Salem "application was 
made by him and others 'for a place to set down in; upon 
which Mr. Endicott did give me and the rest leave to 
go where we would; upon which we went to Saugust, 
now Linne and there we met Sagamore James and som 
other Indians, who did give me and the rest leave to 

[ xviii ] 



Introduction 

dwell there or thereabouts; whereupon I and the rest 
of my master's company did cutt grass for our cattell, 
and kept them upon Nahant for som space of time; for 
the Indian, James Sagamore and the rest did give me 
and the rest in behalf of my master Johnson, what land 
we would; whereu])on we set down in Saugust, and had 
quiet possession of it by the abovesaid Indians, and kept 
our cattell in Nahant the sumer follow^ing.'" 

Our imagination lingers over those earliest comers 
longer, perhaps, than over any others who in later days 
walked the familiar streets of our home town. They 
came, indeed, to an unknow^n wilderness, yet w^e can but 
think that there was happy expectation along w^ith the 
undaunted courage which has always been ascribed to 
them. The company which came w-ith Francis Hig- 
ginson, viewing the shore from Cape Ann to Salem, 
must have felt quite differently from that other company 
which landed at Plymouth on a bleak December day a 
few^ years before. This was June, — a New England 
June, — and in the interesting account which Higginson 
has left us w^e read that the little fleet sailed along the 
coast and saw every hill and dale and every island full 
of gay woods and high trees. He says: "The nearer 
we came to the shore, the more flowers in abundance, 
sometimes scattered abroad, sometimes joined in sheets 
nine or ten yards long, which we supposed to be brought 
from the meadow^s by the tide. Now what with fair 
w^oods and green trees by land and these yellow^ flowers 
painting the sea, made us all desirous to see our new para- 
dise of New England, whence w^e saw such forerunner 
signals afar off." 

Thus, in a word, was the flrst colony established, — tw^o 

[xix] 



Introduction 

hundred at Salem and the rest disposed about the bay. 
Those settled at Salem made haste to build houses, and 
within a short time they had, indeed, "a fair town." 
Very quickly they formed their church under the good 
offices of their pastor, Higginson, who says that their 
greatest comfort and means of defence was that " they 
could have the true religion, and holy ordinances of 
Almighty God, with plenty of preaching, diligent cate- 
chising, with strict and careful exercise." 

The same year of the coming of Higginson and the 
beginning of Lynn, it was voted by the Massachu- 
setts Bay Company, in England, to transfer the chief 
government of the colony from England to New England, 
and preparations were begun for so doing. In another 
year Governor Winthrop came with his great fleet, — fif- 
teen ships, and not far from fifteen hundred persons, 
very many of whom were "people of rank and good cir- 
cumstance." Many of these, we know, went to make up 
the first settlements, in Charlestown, Dorchester, and 
Watertown, but some tarried at Lynn; and we find for 
the first time, in 1630, some of the names familiar in the 
■old-time records and no less familiar in our annals to-day. 
Inasmuch as some of these family names will appear 
frequently in the succeeding pages, it will be of interest 
to note here these emigrant ancestors. Edmund and 
Erancis Ingalls, the first settlers, came in 16'29. Allen 
Breed, William Ballard, George Burrill, Edward Baker, 
John Bancroft, Nicholas Brown, Thomas Chadwell, 
William Edmunds, John Hall, Adam and John Hawkes, 
Thomas Hudson, Christopher Lindsey, Thomas Newhall, 
Robert Potter, John Ramsdell, Edward Richards, and 
Thomas Willis came in 1680. There arrived in the early 

[XX] 



Introduction 

succeeding years Edmund Farrington, Abraham Bel- 
knap, John Pool, Thomas Townsend, Richard Johnson, 
Samuel Aborn, Hugh and John Alley, Lieutenant Thomas 
Bancroft, and Andrew Mansfield. 

While plantations sprang up around the bay and grew 
apace, Lynn remained a little community of farmers, and 
grew but slowly, possibly because there were few "of 
rank and good circumstance" who made their homes here. 
Indeed, we know that the men of large estates and those 
holding office settled elsewhere, — in Salem, Charlestown, 
Dorchester, and Watertown. William Wood, referring 
to Boston, in 1632, says that "this town although it be 
neither the greatest nor the richest, yet it is the most 
noted and frequented, being the center of the planta- 
tions where the monthly courts are kept. Here likewise 
dwells the governor." Johnson, in his History of New 
England, published in London in 1654, speaks of the 
imposing edifices of the "city-like town of Boston" and 
of the orderly and comely streets "whose continued en- 
largement presage th some sumptuous city," while of 
Lynn he says, at the same time, "Their streets are straight 
and comely but yet thin of houses." He tells us, in fact, 
that there were only about a hundred houses for dwelling 
which were "built remote." 

For one hundred and fifty years Lynn continued to 
be a village of yeomen, who feared God, tilled the soil, 
and were content with the returns yielded from their 
labors. 



[xxi] 



Chapter I 

EARLY FAMILIES AND EARLY WARS 

When the first settlers came from Salem and decided 
to "set down" in "Saiigiist now Linne," a much larger 
territory was included in the early town than now belongs 
to our modern city. Reading, Lynnfield, Saugus, Swamp- 
scott, and Nahant, together with what is now Lynn, 
made up the "Saugust" of the early settlers, Reading 
only being set off as a separate town before the Revolu- 
tionary War. Nor did the first comers find themselves 
in undisputed possession of this large territory, for there 
can be no doubt that the Indians were numerous through 
all the region, many evidences still remaining of their 
presence here, while tradition and history have preserved 
their memory through nearly three hundred years. One 
of their encampments was on land west of Walnut Street 
and directly beside what is now called Birch Brook. 
Here, surrounded by hill and valley, on land fertile and 
productive, by clear springs of water which have re- 
mained to this day, they built their wigwams. Mr. Lewis^ 
in his History of Lynn, notices also those in the neigh- 
borhood of Sagamore Hill and High Rock and at Swamp- 
scott and Nahant. These were all a part of the power- 
ful Pawtucket tribe, of which Nanapashemet, who some- 
times lived in Lynn, was chief. The Indian name of 
Saugus was retained by the settlers for eight years until 
the General Court at Boston, in 1637, changed the name 
to Lynn in honor of Lynn Regis, or King's Lynn, in old 
England. That part which the Indians called "Swamp- 

f 1] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

scott" still bears its ancient name, while Nahant and 
Saugus and many of the chieftains' names preserve for 
us the pleasant sounds of the Indian language. As 
years went by, other names were applied to different 
localities within the borders of Lynn, and from those 
names we are able to trace the homes of a few of the 
early families, although at this late day it would be a 
difficult matter to locate them all. Such names, how- 
ever, as Breed's End, Mansfield's End, Gravesend, and 
Woodend indicate clearly enough the part of the town 
in wdiich some of them lived, while out of the network of 
streets which cross and recross our city to-day we are able 
to trace, from the few ancient and weather-beaten houses 
which remain, the long roads which in time connected 
our forefathers with their neighboring towns and with 
one another. From such ancient landmarks it would 
seem that the Boston Street of to-day, the old County 
Road of the fathers, was among the earliest to be laid 
out. This was the only avenue from Boston to Salem, 
Newburyport, and Portsmouth. Over it came the rum- 
bling stage-coach, and to and fro went the commerce 
of the colony. Entering Lynn from Rumney Marsh, 
or Chelsea, it ran along under the hills of Saugus, crossed 
the river by the ford and later by the bridge at the mill, 
ascended over Willis's Hill, now Tower Hill, continued 
on up the course of Strawberry Brook to Flax Pond, then 
turned sharply to the left by the base of Mansfield's Hill, 
and went on to Salem by way of the present Peabody. 
Along this road were the homes of many of the first fam- 
ilies. 

A road connecting Lynn with Marblehead ran from 
what is now Ocean Street along King's Beach, and so on 

[2] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

to the ancient seaport. Later a new road was laid out 
to connect with tlie same point, now known as Essex 
Street. 

For the interesting^ story of the (levek)pment of the 
little town up to the time of the Revolution, we have but 
to look in the annals of Lynn as gathered by her loyal 
sons, Alonzo Lewis and Judge James R. Newhall. In- 
teresting though it would be to review again the princi- 
pal points in her early history, it seems scarcely necessary 
to more than touch upon them in a work designed to 
tell another tale. 

We note, in passing, the establishment of law^s for the 
social well-being of the community, for its protection, and 
for the advancement of its people. We are curiously 
interested in the peculiar customs and quaint manners 
which prevailed. We smile at some of the odd charac- 
ters who played their part on that early stage, and note the 
large ])lace which the church and school held in the af- 
fections of the inhabitants. W^e find that there were 
some laj^ses in morals and violations of the law, which 
met with quick rebuke and sure punishment. Yet, with 
it all, the steady march was onward. Hardships there 
were in a land all new, — hardships which developed all 
the courage of the founders of Lynn, and made of their 
sons good soldiers. Troubles with the Indians very soon 
made it necessary to establish some sort of military rule, 
and a company was organized in 1630, the officers being 
appointed l)y the governor. From this time the town 
steadily maintained its militia. In the first war with the 
Pequots, in 1636, Lynn supplied one company, under 
command of Captain Nathaniel Turner, which did ac- 
tive duty. Upon the breaking out of hostilities in the 

[3] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

year following, 175 men were raised for a second ex- 
pedition against the Pequots, of whom Lynn furnished 
twenty-one. In 1638 the Ancient and Honorable iVr- 
tillery Company was formed, Daniel Howe, of Lynn 
being chosen first lieutenant, and Edward Tomlins and 
Nathaniel Turner members. In 1642, during the ex- 
citement prevailing at the announcement of an out- 
break among the Indians, a blockhouse was built, to the 
west of Birch Brook, the cellar of which may still be 
located. In 1644 the General Court made provision for 
the two great guns in town, of which Captain Bridges 
had the care. In 1645 the General Court ordered that 
youth, from ten to sixteen years of age, should be ex- 
ercised on training days in the use of small guns, half 
pikes, bows and arrows. That military service was com- 
pulsory in the early days is shown by the complaint to 
the Court of Daniel King, in 1637, that his goods had 
been taken to the amount of fifty shillings by "the 
captain of ye trayned band of Lynn, for supposed 
neglect of trayning, he being lame, and willing to find 
a sufficient man." The Court ordered him to pay fifty 
shillings for the past and ten shillings annually for the 
future. In 1658 Lynn, Reading, and Chelsea were au- 
thorized to raise a troop of horse and choose their own 
officers, "provided they be not ferry free, nor have five 
shillings yearly allowed them from the country, as other 
troopers have." This was the famous "Three County 
Troop," so called from the fact that the membership was 
from towns in Suffolk, Middlesex, and Essex Counties. 

In 1675 occurred the famous King Philip's War. The 
military company in Lynn was commanded by Captain 
Thomas Marshall, Lieutenant Oliver Purchis, and Ensign 

[4] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

John Fuller. Fifteen men were inijjressed from Lynn 
by order of the General Court, in addition to those who 
liad been previously detached. Their names were 
Thomas Baker, Robert Driver, Job Farrington, Samuel 
Graves, Isaac- Hart, Nicholas Hitchins, Daniel Hitchins, 
John Lindsey, Jonathan Locke, Charles Phillips, Sam- 
uel Rhodes, Henry Stacy, Samuel Tarbox, Andrew Tar- 
box, and Isaac Wellman. This company was in the 
expedition against the Narragansetts and probably in the 
great Swamp Fight at South Kingston, R.I., Ephraim 
Newhall being killed there and Andrew Townsend 
wounded. 

Lynn was represented in Queen Anne's War by a con- 
siderable number of men. During the French and Ind- 
ian War she sent a large number to fight for the king. 
They were in nearly every engagement in the contest, 
served at Crown Point, at Ticonderoga, were on the 
Plains of Abraham and on the frontiers. Many of them 
died, several attained to military rank. 

We thus briefly note conditions in the town u}) to the 
close of the French and Indian War. The results of 
that war could scarcely have been of greater importance, 
and they were felt in the little world around Massachu- 
setts Bay no less than in that larger world outside where 
the leading nations of Europe were affected by the hard- 
won victory to the English arms. To quote a recent 
authority, "The Seven Years' War furnished the oppor- 
tunity and prepared the way for the American Revolu- 
tion." The colonies no longer feared their old enemy, 
the French, on their northern border, and consequently 
felt less dependent upon the mother country in case of 
need; their martial training had helped to foster a spirit 

[5] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

of independence; they felt themselves Englishmen, able 
now, in peace or war, to take care of themselves. 

There have been various opinions in regard to the place 
where American Independence began, and John Adams is 
credited with saying that it was in silently listening to the 
tavern talks among the farmers that he first came to real- 
ize that American Independence was inevitable and close 
at hand. In the traditions of the town meetings of Lynn, 
in the anecdotes handed down from old stage-coach days, 
in the numberless writings of old-time inhabitants whose 
recollections of the little shoemakers' shops have been 
preserved for us, we have found again and again the 
breathings of independence. It is these whisperings of 
independence which it will be our interest to follow until 
they are lost in the mighty voice gathered from all the 
colonies ; and we shall trace, in so far as may be, the fort- 
unes of the men of Lynn who were led by that voice 
through the long struggle for liberty. 



[«] 



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PAGE FROM LYNN RECORDS 



Chapter II 

BEGINNINGS OF THE REVOLUTION -EARLY 
PATRIOTIC VOTES OF THE TOWN AND 
MEASURES TAKEN 

L\ the autiiinn of 1768 the first Britisli soldiers arrived 
in the town of Boston. They were sent by vote of the Par- 
liament of Great Britain in order that the king's rebellious 
subjects might be overawed. Word reached Boston in 
September that they were on their way, and the news was 
not long in travelling over the road to Lynn, for we find 
that almost immediately the folloAving notification ap- 
peared in conspicuous places in the town: — 

"Notification For Town meeting Sept. 16th — 1768 

"The Inhabitants of this Town are hereby Notified, to attend 
a toAvn meeting at the Old meeting house in s^ town on Mun- 
day ye 19th Instant at 3 of the Clock after noon To Se if 
the Town Avill chuse a person or such Persons as they may 
think fitt to attend a convention to be lield at Boston at 
Funelshall on Thursday the 22d Instant. To Consult Just 
Reasonable & Proper Measures to be Taken For tlie Secur- 
ing the Crown and Government & also the Constitutional 
Rights & Privileges of the Inhabitants which they ought to 
Enjoy by Charter — By order of the Selectmen 

"Ebenezer Burrill Town Cleric" 

The meeting was held in due time, with Deacon Daniel 
Mansfield as moderator, and chose Ebenezer Burrill by 
a great majority as the delegate. 

We are accustomed to the thought that all New England 

[7] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

was more or less excited by the intelligence of an armed 
force having arrived on her shores, and every school -boy 
has studied the history of the stirring times which followed. 
The names of Boston, Charlestown, Cambridge, Salem, 
Concord, and Lexington are inseparably linked in the 
thought of those times, but we look in vain for the name of 
"Lynn," the pleasant town lying close to the shore of the 
bay and in the thoroughfare between Boston and Salem, 
Marblehead, and Portsmouth. Certain it is that no not- 
able event took place within her borders, and no name 
of national importance can be credited to her records, 
yet we need nothing more than the fact of this meeting to 
realize that she w^as keenly alive to the welfare of the col- 
ony and stood ready to do her share in maintaining it. 

We are not able to tell specifically what was done in 
the little town during the seventeen months that the 
two obnoxious regiments were quartered in the neigh- 
boring town of Boston. We can only imagine that the 
prevailing topics of conversation by the fireside, on the 
farm, and in the shop were the all-absorbing ones of the 
acts of the British ministry, of taxation, of charter rights, 
of the arrogance of Governor Bernard and the toryisin of 
Lieutenant-Governor Hutchinson. We have no further 
record, however, until after the Boston Massacre, when 
we find, under date of May 24, 1770, the following: — - 

"1. Voted we will Do our Endevor to Discountenance the use 
of foreign tea. 

"2. Voted no person to Sustain any office of profit that will not 
Comply with the above vote. 

"Sly. Voted no Taverner or Retaler Shall be Returned to Ses- 
sions that will not assist in Discountenancing the use of sd tea & ye 
Selectmen to give it as Reasons to ye Sessions. 

[8] 



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PAGE FUOM lOWX RECORDS 



Lynn in the Revolution 

'*4l\. A'otcd unanmously that we will use our iMidevor to pro- 
mote our own manufacturing among us. 

"Lastly voted a committee Be chose to Inspect the Conduct of 
all Buyers <!s: Sellers of tea in this town and take Subscriptions — 
accordingly ye folloAving Gentmen Avee chose. Zacheus Collins, 
Salvenas Husey, eJohn Mansfield, Increase Xewhall & Joseph New- 
hall. Committee to report to ye Selectmen ye first ^lonchiv in Jul\' 
next." 

Til is interesting record is found written in the liand- 
writing of tlie town clerk, Ebenezer Burrill, but unsigned. 
The hated Starap Act was indeed a thing of the past, and 
the two British regiments were withdrawn from Boston, 
yet there still remained heavy grievances against the gov- 
ernment. The fact that a promise had been made that 
there should be a repeal of all duties except that of the 
tax on tea was a long way from satisfying the hard- 
headed and far-seeing colonists, who were contending 
for a principle. It would seem that in the little com- 
munity at Lynn there must have been discussed at this 
time the possibility of armed resistance, for the people 
were looking to their arms and ammunition, voting in 
town meeting on the very day of the Boston Massacre 
that "The Town Stock of x\mmunition be moved from 
ye meeting house. Voted ye Selectmen should have ye 
care of it and provide some place to Secure ye same as 
soon as may be." 

We wonder to-day at the short-sightedness and obsti- 
nacy of the British ministry during these years of contro- 
versy and disagreement between Englishmen on either 
side of the Atlantic. The inevitable result of its policy, 
which appears so plain to us to-day, seemed to be at that 
time discerned only by a Pitt or a Burke. Again and 



Lynn in the Revolution 

again did Lord Chatham come from his retirement back 
to the House of Lords, and with all the strength of his 
great mind plead for the colonies, urging that milder 
measures be taken and greater wisdom and understand- 
ing be shown in dealing with Englishmen across the sea. 
It was only he and a very few others in Parliament who 
could comprehend the spirit which breathed in every 
town and hamlet in the thirteen colonies, and could say, 
"I rejoice that America has resisted." In spite of the 
debates which took place in Parliament at this time, 
its policy became more and more vexatious. Nearly 
every colony suffered in some way. The promise of 
the repeal of all importation tax, except that on tea, was, 
indeed, kept in the April following the Boston Massa- 
cre, yet on the last day of the spring session of the General 
Court of Massachusetts the following resolve passed, 
namely : — 

"Whereas by the act of Parliament a duty is levied upon foreign 
teas imported into this Province, with the express purpose of raising 
a revenue upon his Majesty's subjects here without their consent, 
upon which account the use and consumption of foreign teas is pred- 
judicial to the true interest of the Province, Resolved, that the mem- 
bers of this House will use their utmost endeavors to prevent the 
use and consumption thereof in the several towns to which they be- 
long." 

This grievance of taxation w^as one which aifected all 
the colonies, and, while they were perfectly willing to 
aid in support of the government, they wished to con- 
tribute to its support, and not to be taxed by a govern- 
ment in wdiich they were not represented. 

In 1772, according to Fiske, "black thunder clouds 

[10] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

of war <^atlicred." On the Records of Lynn at this time 
the following entry w^as made: — 

"At a Town Meeting Leagely assembled Janv. 6th 1772, Dean. 
Danil ^lansfield chosen Moderator, the Question being put after 
the papers was Red, Relating to Publick Greaveances the prvince 
Labours under in Regard to their Rights and Privileges, 

"Voted unanimously that this Town will concur in centimcnts 
with the towns of Boston & the Neighborinff towns of the Province 
with regard to our Constitutional and Charter Rights and Privi- 
leges. 

"Voted to instruct the Representative to stand firm for our Char- 
ter Wrights and Priviledges. 

"Voted to chuse a comittee of Seven men to corespond with 
comittees of other Tow^ns Respecting the Greavences we do labour 
under 

"Voted Capt. John Mansfield, Majr. Abner Cheever, Deacn. 
Abijah Cheever, Doer. John Flagg, Dean. Nathanel Bancroft, Sal- 
venas Hussey & Josiah ]\Iartain. (Deacn. Danil Mansfield added 
in martain's rume.) " 



The choosing of this committee indicates how closely 
in touch were the inhabitants of Lynn wath their neigh- 
bors in Boston, and how strong was the sympathy between 
them. The year 1772 marked the formation of the Com- 
mittees of Correspondence throughout the colonies, the 
work of which was to draw together by a bond never to 
be broken people who heretofore had understood little 
of one another, and had been content to know little of 
one another. 

When in November, 1773, the Committees of Corre- 
spondence from the towns of Cambridge, Brookline, 
Koxbury, Dorchester, and Boston met together in Fan- 

[11] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

euil Hall to discuss the landing of tea in Boston, they 
sent out letters to all the other towns in the colony, con- 
taining these words: — 

"Brethren, Ave are reduced to this dilemma: either to sit down 
(juiet under this and every other liurden that our enemies shall see 
fit to lay upon us, or to rise up and resist this and every plan laid for 
our destruction, as becomes wise freemen. In this extremity we 
earnestly request your advice." 

It was a call which brought the following response from 
the patriotic townsmen of Lynn: — 

"At a meeting of the Freeholders & other Inhabitants (qualified 
by law to vote) of the town of Lynn, Duly and Legaly assembled 
on the 16th day of Deer, ano Dom 1773, the following resolves were 
unanimously past 

"That the people on the British American colonies by their con- 
stitution of Government have a Right to freedom & an Exemption 
from Every Degree of oppression & slavery. 

"2ly That it is an Essential Right of Freemen to have the Dis- 
posal of their own property &r not to be taxed liy any power over 
Avhich they have no control. 

"3ly that the parlimentary Duty Laid upon Tea Landed in 
America is in Effect a tax upon the americans Avithout their Con- 
sent. 

" 4ly That the late act of parlement allowing the East India com- 
pany to land their Tea to America on their own account, was art- 
fully framed for the purpose of Enforceing &; carrying into Effect 
the Oppressive act of Parliment Impousing a Duty upon Teas Im- 
ported into America & is a fresh proof of the settled and deter- 
mined Designs of the ministry to Deprive us of freedom &: Reduce 
us to Slavery. 

"oly Resolved that we highly Disaprove of the Landing & Selling 

[12] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

of Such Teas in America «& will not suH'er any Teas Subjected to 
a parlimentary Duty to be Landed or sold in this town & that we 
stand Redy to assist our Brathren at Boston or Elsewhere when- 
ever our aid shall be Required in Re])e]ling all attempts to Land or 
Sell any Teas poisoned with a Duty. 

"And whereas the Inhabitants of the Town of Boston have regerly 
applyed to the persons a])pointed there by the East India Company 
to Receive and vent off their Teas Delivered them to Resign their 
trust but have obestanatly Repeatedly & Daringly Refused 

"6ly Resolved that those Consignees have Shown a Ready Dis- 
position to become the tules of a vile & corrupt ministry, Supported 
by a venal & Tiranical Parlement to oppress & Enslave their Native 
Country & come under the Same Class of infamous Creatures with 
the Governors, the Commissioners and their Dependents those of 
enemies & traitors to their Countrey, have manifested the Stubid- 
ity to Sacrifice Liberty to averise, & the wickedness when occasion 
Shall Serve to Riot on the Spoils of their Brathren & have forfeited 
their Right to personal protection & Security 

"7ly That a tribute of Gratitude from us to the patriotic town of 
Boston, for the Public Virtue w^hich they have Shown in the oppo- 
sition which they have made to the ministerial plan for Deluding the 
americans into a compliance with the Detestable Tea act. 

" Votd that the foregoing Resolves Be Entred of the town Records 
& a Coppy thereof be Delivered to Comittee of Coraspondenc-e to 
Be Sent to the Comitte of Corespondance at Boston." 

This meeting, recorded in the handwriting of Ebenezer 
Burrill, was held on the very date of the famous one in 
the Old South Meeting-House in Boston, which was fol- 
lowed by the throwing of three hundred and forty-two 
chests of tea into Boston Harbor. 

An account of the feeling which prevailed in Lynn at 
this time woidd not be complete without repeating the 
following incident which has come down to us in the 

[ 13 1 



Lynn in the Revolution 

'* Annals of Lynn," gathered by Mr. Lewis. To use his 
own words: — 

"A report having been put in circulation through the town, that 
Mr. James Bowler, who had a bake-house and a little shop, on Water- 
hill, had a quantity of tea in store, a company of women went to his 
house, demanded the tea, and destroyed it. This exploit was cer- 
tainly as great a piece of patriotism on their part, as that performed 
in Boston Harbor the same year, and deserves to be sung in strains 
of immortality. Slander, however, who is always busy in detract- 
ing from real merit, asserted that the women put on extra pockets 
on that memorable night, which they filled with the fragrant leaf, 
for their own private consumption." 

A tradition is also preserved of at least two Lynn pa- 
triots who figured in the famous Boston tea-party. One 
was Joseph Roby, son of the Rev. Joseph Roby, of the 
Second Parish. He was the eldest son, twenty years 
old at the time, and is given in the list published by 
Francis S. Drake as "active in the destruction of the tea." 
This Joseph was living, some time after the Revolution, 
in Prince Street, Boston, and in 1819 in Hanover, N.H. 
The other man, Mr. Francis Moore, though not living in 
Lynn at the time of the famous tea-party, came here 
soon after the Revolution, and spent the remainder of his 
long life here. The Lynn Record of August fourteenth, 
1833, in a notice of his death gives a short account of 
the part which he took in the Revolutionary struggle, 
and speaks of him as one of the few daring individuals 
who participated in the celebrated act of throwing over 
the tea in Boston Harbor, giving the interesting infor- 
mation that he appeared on that occasion openly and 
without disguise, while most of his comrades were dis- 

[14] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

guised as Indians. He was a baker, and in Cambridge 
wliile the army was stationed in that town, and supplied 
it with bread, selling it at a moderate price, on credit, 
when it was doubtful whether he would ever receive 
anything in return. This was particularly noteworthy 
from the fact that, in consequence of the occupation of 
Boston by the British, there was a scarcity of bread. 
His zeal and generous patriotism attracted the special 
notice of Washington, and at the time of his death, which 
occurred when he was ninety-three years of age, special 
mention was made of the fact that his life had been marked 
throughout by generosity and personal sacrifice. 

The Boston Port Bill was passed on the tenth of May, 
1774. Governor Gage, arriving in Boston a few days 
later, wrote home to the Earl of Dartmouth that he found 
upon his arrival that a " town-meeting was holding to 
consider of it," and that the act had staggered the most 
presumptuous, adding that he did not propose to lay any- 
thing new before the Assembly, inasmuch as he deemed 
it better to give the shock they had received time to 
operate, doubtless believing that it would operate in 
subduing the rebellious subjects of the king and in caus- 
ing them to make good to the East India Company the 
loss of their tea. How mistaken he was, the sequel was 
to show. 

From every colony came letters of sympathy and en- 
couragement to the Correspondence Committee of Boston, 
while in the neighboring towns indignation knew no 
bounds. Many a wagon-load of supplies was trundled 
over the road from Lynn, and many an anxious and 
indignant meeting was held in the old meeting-house 
to discuss the situation and to prepare for the contest 

[15] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

which seemed inevitable. The selectmen were asked 
to prepare a place or build a house for the town stock 
of ammunition, and to furnish a sufficient stock as soon 
as it could be obtained. 

One entry which stands out with especial clearness in 
the old records will illustrate the prevailing sentiment 
regarding the Boston Port Bill, and may well be given 
in this place: 

"The Freeholders & other Inhabitants of This Town are hereby 
Notified to attend a town meeting at the old meeting House in sd 
town on Tuesday, the 28th. of June, 1774, at two of the clock after- 
noon, 

"To Consult upon Proper measures to be Taken by the Town for 
the Recovery & Restoration of the Rights & Liberties of America 
Rayished from them by the oppression of the British Parliment and 
Especialy for the Relief of our Metroplas whose trade & Commerce, 
upon which they Solely Depend for Subsistance is anniolated by the 
Rigras Execution of the Boston port Bill, the Cruelty & Injustice of 
which cannot but excit a just Indignation in the Breast of eyery 
American. 

"Also to see whether the town will Bear their proportionable part 
of the Sum of money allowed by the House of Representatiyes for 
this province to Defray the Expence of the Committee appointed by 
Them to meet upon a Congress of the Collonies and Determin upon 
a proper method for Downing the Same. 
"By Order of the Selectmen, 

"Ebenezer Burrill, Town Clerk." 



A little later the accumulation of grievances resulted 
in a legal town meeting held on the twenty-second of 
August, in which the inhabitants expressed themselves in 
the following words : — 

[ 1« ] 






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Lynn in the Revolution 

"Being deeply sensible of the Dangerous State of the Liberties of 
this Province from the Violent attacks of the British ministry & 
Parliament who seem Determined in Violation of the Laws of Jus- 
tice and humanity to make us Subservient to their own Wicked 
ambitious & Mercenary views, We cannot but be Especially alarmed 
from the Two Last acts of parlament Whereby our Charter is in 
part Vacated & the Vitals of our Constitution to be Destroyed — 
tending to Establish arbitrary Government — and Secure the most 
atrocious offenders from the Hards of Justice, We cannot but think 
ourselves warranted by the Laws of Nature which are the Laws of 
God & by the princeples of the Constitution, (which is not to be altred 
or chainged without the Consent of the people) To Secure our Selves 
against the operation of such Oppressive measures by the Exertion 
of all the Powers with Which we are Invested, — And it can Never 
be Consistant with our Duty to Resign ourselves to Sullen Silence 
or Contented Slavery — and the motion made by the Town of Marble- 
head, that there be a meeting of the Several Towns of the Countv 
By their Respective Delegates to consult upon the present Exegences 
of our publick affairs therefore we Apprehend to be seasonable & 
that such a meeting will Probably be attended with many salutary & 
Happy Consequences Thereof 

"Voted that Capt. John Mansfield, Doer. John Flagg & Deac. 
Daniel Mansfield be Delegates for this town to attend a meeting of 
the County for the purposes aforsd. that may be held at Ispwich on 
the Gth day of Sept. next or at any other Place or on any other Day 
or Days as shall be thought most convenient & Suitable by the other 
towns of the County. 

"Voted that the Thanks of the town be given to the Patriotic town 
of Marblchead for the Zeal & attention which they have shewn for 
the support of our most Lnportant Rights and Liberties." 

So far as we know, there was no special excitement at- 
tending the appointment of the above committee, as 
there had been in Salem, two days earlier, when notices 

[17] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

were posted in the town "desiring the merchants, free- 
holders and other inhabitants to meet at the town house 
chamber ... to appoint deputies to meet at Ipswich." 
It appears that Governor Gage had heard that it was 
the desire of the Committee of Correspondence that the 
inhabitants of Salem should thus assemble, and, declar- 
ing it to be an unlawful and seditious meeting, ordered 
that the inhabitants be dispersed. In order to enforce 
his command, he further ordered troops to be in readiness. 
To quote from the Salem Gazette of the twenty-sixth of 
August, 1774: — 

" They prepared accordingly, as if for battle, left their encampment, 
and marched to the entrance of the town, there halted and loaded, 
and then about eighty advanced to within an eighth of a mile from 
the Town House : But Ijefore this movement of the troops was known 
to the inhabitants, and while the Committee were in conference with 
the Governor, the whole business of the meeting was transacted, 
being merely to choose delegates to the county meeting. After the 
meeting was over, news came that the troops were on the march, but 
they were now ordered to return to the camp." 

The convention of delegates of counties around Boston 
met at Ipswich, as planned, and, among other things, 
boldly declared that the acts of Parliament were not 
entitled to obedience. A month later the first Provin- 
cial Congress was convened at Salem, the representa- 
tives having been called together by the Governor for a 
meeting of the General Assembly. The delegates waited 
at the appointed time for the arrival of the Governor, but 
he failed to appear. They then resolved themselves into 
a Provincial Congress. At this Congress we find Ebene- 

[18] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

zor Bunill and Ca}itaiii John Mansfield representing the 
town of Lynn. 

This first Provincial Congress of Massachusetts, organ- 
ized at Salem October seventh, adjourning on the eleventh 
to Concord, and on the fourteenth to Cambridge, contin- 
ued in session three weeks, and in the record of its delib- 
erations, in its appointment of a Committee of Safety, 
its provision for the assembling and support of the mili- 
tia, and its thorough review of the burdens under which 
the colonies w^ere laboring, we see how well its members 
realized that they w^ere on the eve of revolution. A Con- 
vention of Committees for the County of Worcester, 
which had been held on the twenty-first of September, 
had given the first suggestion for minute companies, and 
the Provincial Congress seems to have extended the idea, 
for we find it recommending that the companies of mili- 
tia meet and appoint officers, and, wdiere the regiments 
were deemed too large, that they be divided, the field 
officers forming at least one-quarter of the number in the 
respective companies, into companies of fifty privates, who 
were to equip and hold themselves in readiness to march 
at the shortest notice from the Committee of Safety. 

Only two records have been preserved affecting the 
Lynn minute-men, and these, on file in the archives at 
the State House, are of much interest. The language 
used in the second vote is a good indication of the con- 
tempt Avith which the Patriots viewed the Tories. 

Lyx.n, Nov. 15, 1774. 
"Pursuant to an act of the Provincial Congres.s, for new regulating 
the militia, wa.s called a meeting of the fir.st training band in Lynn, 
the '■2d company, 1st regiment in Essex, formerly connnanrled by Col. 

[19] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

Wm. Brown, of Salem, having- chosen Maj. Abner Cheever, as Chair- 
man, the following votes were passed: 

Voted, David Parker as captain. 
Voted, John Batts, 1st Lieutenant. 
At an adjourned meeting, Jan. 5, 1775, 
Voted. John Pool, 2d Lieutenant. 

Benj. Putnam, Clerk." 

"Agreeably to the advice of the respectable Provincial Congress, 
the training band company in Lynn, north parish, being a part of 
the first regiment in the county of Essex, formerly commanded by 
William Brown, politically deceased of a pestilent and mortal dis- 
order, and now buried in the ignominious ruins at Boston, met on 
Monday, 15th inst. (Nov. 1774) and after cliQosing Dea. Nathaniel 
Bancroft for their chairman, elected Mr. Joseph Go wen, Capt., Mr. 
Nathaneil Sherman, 1st Lieutenant, and Mr. John Perkins, Ensign." 

After this time we find in the provincial records fre- 
quent mention of the minute-men. During the second 
session of the Congress, in December, 1774, in an ad- 
dress to the inhabitants of Massachusetts Bay, — a calm, 
dignified; carefully prepared document, — we find the 
following : — 

"The miprovement of the Militia in general in the Art Military 
has been therefore thought necessary, and strongly recommended by 
Congress. We now think that particular care should be taken by 
the Towns and Districts in this Colony, that each of the Minute- 
Men, not already provided therewith, should be immediately ecjuipped 
with an effective Firearm, Bayonet, Pouch, Knapsack, thirty rounds 
of Cartridges and Balls and that they be disciplined three times a 
week, and oftener, as opportunity may offer." 

On the fifth of January, 1775, the town of Lynn voted 

[i20] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

that Captain John Mansfiekl be a delegate to the Pro- 
vincial Congress to be held at Cambridge, February 
first. It also voted to approve of the Articles of Associ- 
ation of the Continental Congress, and chose the follow- 
ing committee to carrv into execution the resolves of the 
association: Captain John Mansfield, Dr. John Flagg, 
Deacon Daniel Mansfield, Benjamin Newhall, Deacon 
Nathaniel Bancroft, Abner ^lieever, and Deacon Abijali 
Cheever. On the article to see if the town would raise, 
assist, and encourage the minute-men, agreeable to the 
advice of Congress, it was voted to ])ostpone the matter 
until the March meeting. Lynn should here be given 
the credit of having participated in the first armed resist- 
ance to the crown. The story is that on the afternoon 
of Sunday, February twenty-sixth, Colonel Leslie, with 
three hundred men, suddenly appeared off Marblehead 
in a transport. He quietly landed, and took up his 
march for Salem, where Colonel David Mason had been 
at work mounting some old cannon taken from the 
French. The alarm went ahead of the British, however, 
and, when he arrived, the cannon had been taken across 
the North River and the draw had been raised. Colonel 
Leslie demanded that the bridge be swung back, but 
the inhabitants refused. He then tried to impress some 
scows which were near by, but the owners scuttled them, 
and they sank. It is claimed that in the melee wdiich 
followed the first blood of the Revolution was shed. 
Parson Barnard appeared upon the scene, however, and 
finally succeeded in inducing Colonel Leslie to withdraw. 
By the time he began to retreat, reinforcements were 
arriving on the patriot side, the Danvers company com- 
ing u])()n the run as lie turned back. The alarm had 

[^21 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

also reached Lynnfiekl, where Captain Bancroft had mus- 
tered his men, and was hastening to Salem. Before his 
arrival at the North Bridge, the British had disappeared, 
and, as he returned home with his men, he intercepted 
tli(^ Reading company, which was on the way. Had a 
gun been fired at Salem, it might have become the Lex- 
ington of the Revolution. As it was. Captain Bancroft 
lost one man, the first to give his life in the cause of lib- 
(M-tv. The following entry appears in the Lynnfiekl 
church records : — 

"March 9, 1775. Died, Joseph Newhall, by a violent seizure 
after a few Days Illness suppos'd to be occasioned by a cold taken 
when he went out upon an alarm, in the 52d year of his age." 

On the sixth of March the town of Lynn voted that — 

"When the niinit men are Raised, Listed &: aquipt they Shall 
have one shilling for each half Day to Encourage them to meet two 
half days in a week to Exercise till ye town order otherwise. 

"Voted to have three officers a captain and first and second Lieu- 
tenants for each company. Each captain shall have 6/ for each 
two half Days; First and Second Lieuts. 4/ Each for Each two 
half Days. 

"Voted they Be under amies three hours each half day." 

Provision was thus made for the training of men in 
various companies, but it is doubtful if any degree of 
proficiency was attained or attempted. 

Many of the letters which have been preserved in the 
old records give such clear utterance to the spirit and tem- 
])er of the times that one or two quotations may be here 
given with the assurance that the same electric fire glow- 
ing in them charged the air in our small community at 
I^ynn. 

[ "^S 1 



Lynn In the Revolution 

From Thomas Gushing, of Boston, to Arthur Lee, of 
London: "Our people are prompt and forward in their 
military exercises. There never was, since we have been 
a people, such military spirit prevailing as at present." 

A letter from another gentleman in Boston contains 
this : — 

" So generally are the principles of liberty disseminated and so 
deeply fixed, that nothing bnt arms, that supreme lex of tvrants, 
will be able to suppress the generous ardor whieh now stimulates 
our countrymen to defend, at all hazards, the freedom handed down 
to them by their ancestors ; nor will they be slaves without the most 
obstinate and bloody contest." 

This was at a time when the people of Boston were 
suffering greatly, not only on account of the effects of the 
Boston Port Bill, but also from disease which had crept 
into their midst. This is shown by the following ex- 
tract from a letter: — 

"The small-pox is lurking about in different parts of the town, 
and it is apprehended will spread. A pestilential fever prevails in 
the army, which is even more dreaded than the small-pox. How 
distressful is the state of Boston! Surrounded and insulted bv a 
numerous fleet and army; shut out from trade; and deprived of all 
advantages of law process ! " 

Meantime, both in Parliament and in Boston more 
decisive measures were being taken to force the colo- 
nists into submission. Parliament was planning to send 
Generals Howe, Clinton, and Burgoyne to America with 
six thousand troops. Governor Gage was acquainting 
himself more and more with conditions throughout the 
colony. In February he sent two men through the coun- 

[^23] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

ties of Suffolk and Worcester, with instructions to note 
the condition of roads and passes, to mark distances from 
town to town, to report the situation of rivers, mountains, 
and woods, and advantageous spots to take post in, as 
well as what supplies could be obtained in the several 
townships. What wonder that the Committee of Safety 
and Supplies held frequent meetings, and was actively 
engaged in gathering arms and ammunition, and stor- 
ing it in places of safety, ready for use when needed! 

On the first of April the colonists knew that a large 
reinforcement of troops was expected in Boston, and the 
third Provincial Congress, then in session in Concord, 
perfected its "Rules for the Arniy," — a lengthy docu- 
ment, containing fifty-three articles. Before the nine- 
teenth of April two delegates had been sent to each of 
the New England colonies, carrying the following re- 
solve : — ■ 

"That the present dangerous and alarming situation of our publick 
affairs, renders it necessary for this Colony to make preparations for 
their security and defence by raising and establishing an Army, and 
that delegates be appointed forthwith to repair to Connecticut, to 
Rhode Island and New Hampshire, informing them that we are 
contemplating upon and are determined to take effectual measures 
for that purpose, and for the more effectual security of the New 
England Colonies and the Continent, to request them to co-operate 
with us, by furnishing their respective quotas for general defence." 

How quick and general was the response was shown 
not many days after, when from all over New England 
men gathered and marched on the Lexington alarm. 



[24] 



Chapter III 

THE LEXINGTON ALARM IN LYNN 

The town of Lynn, together with every village and 
hamlet in New England, was prepared for the opening 
scenes of the llevolutionary War. It is true that the 
militia was untrained and poorly equipped, yet it was 
not wholly so, and it is certain that the conviction was as 
strong here as elsewhere that the cause of the colonies 
was a righteous one, and the inhabitants were as deter- 
mined to resist to the last the unjust measures of the 
British ministiy. Aside from the Quaker families, who 
refused steadfastly to fight or pay the attendant expenses 
incurred by the town, it may safely be said that nearly 
every home in Lynn sheltered a militia or minute man, 
and in many cases every male member of the family of 
sufficient age to shoulder a musket was ready for action. 
If we cannot now point to the' patriotic utterances of 
Rev. John Tread well, the pastor of the old First Church, 
or of Deacon Daniel Mansfield, the sturdy moderator 
of the town meeting, the ringing resolutions transcribed 
by the pen of Ebenezer Burrill, the town clerk, we are 
assured voiced the sentiments of them all. 

Let us look over the little town as it appeared on the 
eve of the conflict. 

It should be remembered that Lynnfield, Saugus, 
Swampscott, and Nahant were parts of Lynn in 1775, 
the two former being separate parishes only. Three 
years before the population had been set down as 2,100, 
including 465 polls. Valuation of property was under 

[25] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

^30,000, and there were less than 150 dwellings. 
Lynn Common was an unfenced field, little better than 
an open pasture, over which teams crossed at will. Farm- 
houses were scattered along its sides, and the " Old Meet- 
ing-House," as it was invariably called in the records, 
stood in the middle, opposite and facing Petticoat Lane, 
now She])ard Street. A brook crossed at the point wdiere 
Harwood Street now turns off, and near it was the home 
of Nathan Attwill, in a house wdiich is still standing 
and now numbered 35 Whiting Street. Mall Street was 
Lucy Newhall's Lane, and a cart-rjoad ran from w^hat is 
now Park Street to Mill Street, now Strawberry Avenue. 
Franklin Street was then called the Townway, and lead- 
ing from it was Grass Lane, now Leighton Street. At 
the lower end of the Common, Market Street turned to 
the right, and Marblehead Lane, now Essex Street, to 
the left. A little further on was Black Marsh Lane, now 
lower Union Street. Broad and Lewis Streets of to-day 
made then scarcely more than a rambling cart-path, con- 
nected with the County Road, the present Boston Street, 
by Fresh Marsh Lane, now Chestnut Street. Woodend, 
like the western section of the town, consisted of scattered 
farms, with a rough path through the fields where we now 
have Fayette Street. The old County Road, however, 
was the main thoroughfare of the town, and boasted 
the chief residences. It was connected with the farms 
at Breed's End by Rhodes's Lane, the Federal Street 
of to-day. The turnpike, or Western Avenue, had not 
been laid out. It is probable that Lynn proper had at 
that time eighty or ninety homes, and Lynnfield and Sau- 
gus about twenty-five each. Nahant had but one or 
two habitations, and Sw^ampscott was included in Lynn 

[26] 




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From 1650 to the Division 
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I • - 'S-^ Mouiton if-o/A^fX. 




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Lynn in the Revolution 

proper. There were no school-houses, and one or two 
stores sufficed for the needs of all. The Old Tunnel 
Meeting-House was the forum, and contained the only 
pul})it. The products of the farm supplied most of the 
needs of the people, and the little shoemakers' shops 
gave the simple cordwainers a chance to procure enough 
ready money to buy what the farm could not protluce. 

There w^ere probably four hundred and seventy-five 
men of all ages in the town. Deducting from this num- 
ber the old and disabled, together with those whose relig- 
ious scruples would not allow them to participate, there 
could not have been over three hundred and fifty men 
ready for service when the War for Independence opened. 
It will be shown, however, that before the war closed 
nearly five hundred men had enlisted and fought, to the 
credit of the town of Lynn. This resulted because the 
boys, as soon as they became old enough, went into the 
service. By reference to the personal sketches which 
will follow, it may be noticed that Daniel Watts enlisted, 
and was actually borne on the rolls of Washington's 
army at the age of twelve, while scores of Lynn boys 
were seasoned Continentals at fifteen. This fact alone 
speaks well for the patriotism and courage of the inhabi- 
tants. 

Situated in close proximity to Salem, where there were 
so many Tory merchants and sympathizers, it is also a 
fact well worth noting that not a single instance has 
been found recorded of a Tory in Lynn, and no case 
where an unpatriotic "towny" was made to swear alle- 
giance to his country. 

It may not be out of place to allude to the business of 
shoemaking as it was carried on in the town in 1775. 

[27] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

The industry had been introduced in a small way by 
Philip Kertland, who came to Lynn in 1638, but it had 
gained little headway until 1750, when John Adam 
Dagyr, a Welshman and a practical shoemaker, made 
his appearance. His skill and energy gave such an im- 
petus to the business of manufacturing ladies' shoes that 
they undoubtedly laid the foundation of the great and 
thriving business which has ever since characterized 
Lynn. Indeed, he secured such a reputation during his 
lifetime that the Boston Gazette in 1764 alluded to him 
as "the celebrated shoemaker of Essex." His patriotic 
service in the Revolution and his death in poverty will 
be spoken of later. Under the stimulating influence of 
Dagyr nearly every male inhabitant of the town began 
to turn his hand, in a greater or less degree, to the man- 
ufacture of shoes. The little square shoe-shop sprang 
up by many a farm-house, and, while the plough and 
scythe were kept busy in the field in summer, the pound- 
ing of the lap-stone and the drawing of the wax thread 
kept the men-folk equally busy in the shop in winter. 
Their quaint wills, on file at the Court House in Salem, 
invariably indicate that they were "yeomen and cord- 
wainers." Their shoes were sold in Boston and Salem, 
whither they were carried on horseback at the end of the 
week. It may be safely said that in 1775 Lynn had 
already a reputation as a shoe manufacturing town not 
exceeded by any in the colonies. 

Let us, at this point, note the location of a few of the 
patriotic homes froin which many young men were soon 
to go forth in their country's defence. 

The houses of the Revolutionary period were of plain 
and dignified architecture, varying somewhat in style, 

[28] 




ll![iiii|'i"i»!!]riff!!i!f,!!lll!i:'i 



JEDEDIAH NEW HALL HOUSE, BOSTON STREET 



Lynn in the Revolution 

})ut always showing the simple lines which are becoming 
so universally recognized as good. Many of the Lynn 
houses were small, seldom were they referred to in the 
wills as "my mansion house," yet all, whether large or 
small, were comfortable and homelike. In one of these, 
on the northerly side of Boston Street, opposite the pres- 
ent Hudson Square, lived James Newhall, or "Squire 
Jim," as he was called in later years. Beyond, on the 
same side, lived Benjamin Hudson, from whom the 
square was named. On the top of Tower Hill, on the op- 
posite side, stood the Burrill house, demolislied twenty- 
five years ago, the home at the time of John Burrill, 
later familiarlv known as "Colonel John," to distino-uish 
him from three others of the same name. Near Cottage 
Street, on the same side, an ancient house, still stand- 
ing, marks the one-time home of Calley Newhall, who 
made powder for General Washington. On the corner of 
Wyman Street was the home, demolished in 1902, of Cap- 
tain Ezra Newhall. Beyond, on the same side, was that 
of the Burchsteads, ancestors of Benjamin Burchstead 
Johnson. Between Flint and Childs Streets lived Allen 
Newhall and his two sons, Daniel Allen Breed and 
Charles. In the quaint, little, gambrel-roofed house, 
between Kirtland Street and Sargent's Court, lived Jed- 
ediah Newhall. In the old house on the corner of North 
Federal Street, or Hart's Lane, lived Lieutenant Joseph 
Hart. On the opposite corner lived Ebenezer Burrill, 
the ]3atriotic town clerk. John Adam Dagyr's home was 
just beyond, presumably in the so-called "Carnes house," 
which stood across the entrance of the present Carnes 
Street. Hufus Mansfield, captain of the fourth company 
of militia, lived on Waterhill, as did Lieutenant Thomas 

[29] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

Cox, Nathaniel Tarbox, and his son Nathaniel, Jr. 
William Tarbox lived in a small house where Bridge 
Street now crosses Strawberry Brook. Further along, 
at the corner of the present Federal and Marion 
Streets, was the tavern of Increase Newhall, still 
standing, and at the further end of Marion Street 
back from the old Boston Road, was the residence of 
Dr. John Flagg, in a narrow, gambrel-roofed house, 
known as the Billy Gray House, still standing. On the 
corner of the present Cedar Street was the home of Lieu- 
tenant Frederick Breed, known later as "Colonel Freder- 
ick." On the other side of the same street lived Deacon 
Jesse Rhodes, in an ancient house pulled down some 
twenty years ago. At the foot of Mall Street, or Lucy 
Newhall's Lane, lived Joel Newhall. Between the pres- 
ent Rhodes Avenue and Bulfinch Street was the home 
of Lieutenant Edward Johnson, in a house much altered, 
but still extant. In Strawberry Lane, or Colonel John 
Mansfield's Lane, was the home of John Mansfield. 
He was at that time the most important man in the little 
community, perhaps the wealthiest, and certainly the 
most influential, being at that time, with Ebenezer Bur- 
rill, Esq., a delegate to the Provincial Congress. He 
had also been a member of the General Court which 
General Gage ordered dispersed at Salenl. In the old 
Hathorne house, which stood on the ground of the pres- 
ent Lynn Hospital, lived Deacon William Farrington, 
captain of the second company of Lynn militia, a promi- 
nent man and deacon of the old First Church. In Bow 
Bend, or North Bend Street, lived John Willis and his 
brother-in-law, Thomas Hall. Just where Fresh Marsh 
Lane, or Chestnut Street, joined the Boston Road, lived 

[30] 



MAP OF 

LiYNN-^irrs 

Showing Old BoafonSt 
and 




Lynn in the Revolution 

Robert Mansfield. The old liouse, still standing, known 
as the "Wyoma House," was the home of Ebenezer 
Richardson. On the present estate of John L. Shorey 
lived Daniel Galeucia, afterwards a captain in the array 
of Washington. 

Turning back now to the western part of the town, an 
ancient liouse, still in a good state of preservation, marks 
the dwelling of Ephraim Breed, great-grandson of the 
first Allen Breed; and near it was the home of his friend, 
Harris Chadwell. Over in the fields, near the Saugus 
line, back of the present City Farm, lived Ezekiel Moul- 
ton. Around the Common were the homes of Aaron 
Breed, Henry and Theophilus Hallowell, Micajah New- 
hall, Richard Pappoon, Thomas Cheever, James Bachel- 
ler, Daniel and Ralph Lindsey. On Market Street lived 
the Alleys and Benjamin Johnson. On the present 
Fayette Street, opposite Ireson Avenue, lived Edward 
and John Ireson, and near them Jacob Ingalls. Eleazer 
Collins Ingalls resided on Essex Street, near Alice; and 
the home of Shadrach, Meshech, and Abednego Rams- 
dell was at the curve of the road where it now enters 
Swampscott. Near the present Swampscott railroad 
station lived Theophilus Burrill, in a liouse still standing; 
and his nearest neighbors were the Richards family, five 
of whom were in the war. 

The homes in Saugus and Lynnfield were widely scat- 
tered, although in that part of Saugus know^n as Oak- 
landvale four houses are still standing which sheltered 
four families of Boardmans. 

Thus were located some of the scattered homes of the 
Lynn patriots. Without doubt, there were many others 
long ago crowded out by the growling city, and even their 

[81] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

sites forgotten. These we are glad to remember, together 
with the men who went forth from their shelter to the 
War for Independence. 

We now turn our thoughts for a moment to the com- 
panies which had been forming during the memorable 
winter of 1775, for the men who w^ent out on the April 
alarm went for the most part regularly and under com- 
mand, and not independently in a mad run for the scene 
of conflict. This statement is made after careful inves- 
tigation and a consultation of every bit of available evi- 
dence, and in spite of the published statement that, "on 
receiving the intelligence that the troops had left Boston, 
many of the inhabitants of Lynn immediately set out, 
without waiting to be organized, and with such weapons 
as they could most readily procure. The people from 
Lynn met them at Lexington on their return, and joined 
in firino; at them from the walls and fences." A few 
men undoubtedly failed to leave the tow^n with their 
companies, and later hurried after them in their own 
way. Some of these men may have reached Lexington, 
although even this is doubtful. It is certain that no 
company went as far as Lexington. 

Two hundred and forty-seven men had been duly or- 
ganized in five companies, and were ready for the open- 
ing of hostilities. Each man had furnished his own 
musket or firearm, and no one had reached the dignity 
of a uniform. The men w^ere, indeed, but slightly trained, 
yet they were courageous and full of devotion to their 
country. 

The first company was exclusively from the Third 
Parish, Saugus, and was commanded by Captain David 
Parker. It consisted of sixty-three men, and was the 

[32] 




.^ftmi^-^!^'- 



Lynn in the Revolution 

largest in town. It met for drill at the Jacob Newhall 
tavern, which stood across the present Lincoln Avenue, 
East Sangus. 

The Second Company of Foot, as it was called, was 
commanded by Captain William Farrington, and con- 
sisted of fifty-two men. Its membership was largelv 
from the central and easterly sections of the town, and 
its place of meeting was at the foot of the present 
Franklin Street, near where the Lynn Hospital now 
stands. 

The third company in point of numbers was com- 
manded by Captain Ezra Newhall, and was composed of 
men from every portion of Lynn, including Lynnfield 
and Saugus. This company, as will be seen by the roll 
appended, was called a "Minit Company," and was 
undoubtedly formed to comply with the recent vote of 
the Provincial Congress. It had its headquarters on 
the Common, and, although no record of its organiza- 
tion has been found, it numbered forty-nine men. From 
its widely scattered membership the evidence appears 
that it was hastily formed of men and boys who had 
not previously been enrolled in the regular militia com- 
panies. Its captain had seen service in the French and 
Indian War. 

The next company was called the Fourth Com})anv of 
Foot, and was commanded by Captain Rufus Mans- 
field, who lived on Waterhill. It consisted of forty-four 
men, most of whom were from the immediate neighbor- 
hood, and the greater part of whom were bound together 
by the ties of blood or marriage. Nearly one-third of 
its membership bore the name of Newhall. Its rendez- 
vous was at the Increase Newhall Tavern, in later years 

[ ;i.'5 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

known as the "Orcutt House," still standing on Federal 
Street. 

The fifth, last, and smallest company was commanded 
by Captain Nathaniel Bancroft, of the North Parish, or 
Lynnfield. By the record of its organization, Joseph 
Gowing had been made captain, but, before the arrival 
of the nineteenth of April, Deacon Bancroft had been 
substituted, and Gowing had been dropped to first-lieu- 
tenant. On the pay-roll appended it will be noticed that 
it is called simply "Capt. Bancroft's Company." It 
numbered thirty-eight men, and was perhaps the most 
interesting of all from the fact that it saw hard fighting, 
lost three of its number killed, had several wounded, 
and probably made several prisoners. Like the fourth 
company, it w^as also bound together, in large part, by 
the ties of relationship. The meeting-place was the 
Joseph Gowing Tavern at Lynnfield Centre, an inter- 
esting old house, which was burned, probably by an 
incendiary, at midnight, June eighteenth, 1896. 

The nineteenth of April, 1775, fell on Wednesday. 
The spring of that year had been a very remarkable one. 
The season was far advanced, apple-trees were in bloom, 
and farmers were preparing the fields for planting. Gen- 
eral Gage's troops had been restless during the winter 
months, and hailed with delight an excursion into the 
country, even though it must be a stealthy one. Paul 
Revere, a coppersmith and engraver, living on Hanover 
Street in Boston, had been particularly zealous in watch- 
ing the movements of the king's troops, and in this work 
he had been assisted by many of his business associates, 
most of whom were members of the Masonic fraternity. 
They had quietly kept one another informed of every- 

[34] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

thing transpiring, and the decision of the British to march 
into the country on the night of the eighteenth was quickly 
known among them. Dr. Joseph Warren at once ar- 
ranged with Paul Revere and William Dawes to ride by 
different routes to I^exington, for the purpose of alarming 
the country and placing Hancock and Adams, who were 
there, on guard. Revere had arranged with a friend to 
have signals displayed in the steeple of Christ Church, 
one lantern, if it was found that they were to go by way 
of Roxbury Neck, and two, if they were to cross the river 
to Cambridge. He found at ten o'clock that the expe- 
dition was to cross the river, and then his night ride began. 
It was probably between eleven and twelve o'clock when 
he reached Medford, the nearest point to Lynn, distant 
about eight miles. There was little difficulty in arous- 
ing alert and patriotic Medford, and little time was lost 
before her messengers were hurrying the news to Maiden, 
and from thence on to Saugus and Lynn, which were 
reached before sunrise. Confirming this, a grandson 
of one of the Saugus minute-men, contributing a series 
of sketches to the Lynn Reporter' in 1860, and being then 
contemporary with many of the survivors of the Saugus 
company, wrote as follows: — 

"Captain Parker mustered his company at an early hour of the 
day of the Concord fight and marched with them with all speed to 
the scene of the conflict. He reached the highway in West Cam- 
bridge before the return of the regulars and arranged his company 
in order to give them a warm reception. While thus arranged and 
prepared, some officer of higher rank informed Capt. Parker that 
the orders were, not to give the enemy pitched l>attle, but to let the 
soldiers disperse themselves througli the fields and harass the enemy 
as mucli as possibk^ by random firing. Capt. Parker's company 

[35 J 



Lynn in the Revolution 

was then dismissed cand performed signal service in that memorable 
fight." 

Thus it will be seen that this company, at least, mus- 
tered, marched, and, by orders, dispersed. The pay- 
roll of the company shows, too, that the men were paid 
for their service. 

x\gain, the Lynn Record of September, 1837, contains 
the following notice of the death of Abner Cheever, one 
of the corporals of Captain Parker's company: — 

"In Lynn, Sept. 13, 1837, Col. Abner Cheever, aged 82. Col. 
Cheever was in the battle of Lexington, in 1775. He was of the 
corps of minute-men of that day and received the alarm of the British 
marching to Concord that morning at three o'clock. He marched 
with his company before sunrise, notwithstanding some of them had 
to make wooden ramrods to their guns, taking their powder in horns, 
and balls and wadding in their pockets." 

Here also appears direct evidence that the alarm reached 
Lynn before daylight, and that Captain Parker' s com- 
pany marched in order. 

Mr. Isaiah Graves, whose ancestry on both sides took 
part in the events of the day, recently, at the age of 
seventy-seven years, gave the following very direct ac- 
count as it had come down to him: — 

"My grandfather was Samuel Ireson. He was only five years of 
age at the time, but remembered distinctly being awakened that 
morning by the sudden firing of a musket under his window, at his 
home in the old Ireson house, on Fayette street. He soon heard 
the neighbors' boys calling for his brothers, Edward and John, aged 
nineteen and seventeen. They said that the regulars were out and 
that the minute-men were gathering. His brothers quickly went 

[36] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

down, and, taking their muskets, went aw^ay with the others. I have 
heard this story many times from my grandfather and have always 
understood that his brothers were in the battle." 

Another interesting narrative is that of Mr. Andrew 
Mansfield, of South Lynnfield, and is as follows: — 

"I am of the ninth generation to live on this tract of land and to 
bear the name of "Andrew ^Mansfield." My great-grandfather, 
Andrew ^Mansfield, was living in the old homestead on the Danvers 
road on the morning of the battle. Although the Danvers line ran 
through the yard and placed him in that tow^n, yet his interests were 
all with the Lynnfield parish of which he was a member. He was 
thirty-five years of age and was enrolled in Captain Bancroft's com- 
pany of minute-men. His son, Andrew^ Mansfield, was my grand- 
father. The latter has often told me that the alarm of the regulars 
reached Lynnfield early in the morning. He w^as eleven years of 
age and upon the receipt of the alarm, he harnessed the horse and 
carried his father to the meeting place of the minute-men, at the 
Joseph Gowing Tavern at the centre of the village. From thence, he 
marched away w ith his company. The Andrew who was eleven at 
the time of the battle, died in 1851, at the age of 86, and his father, 
the minute-man, died in 1831, aged ninety-two." 

Many years ago Mr. George W. Rogers, of Lynn, 
published a series of personal reminiscences of Lynn's 
earlier citizens. In one of these he has this to say of 
Harris Chadwell, one of the veterans of the Revolution: — 

"At the first dawn of the Revolution, on the 19th of April, 1775, 
Mr. Chadwell started with other patriotic men for Concord, among 
them Ephraim Breed, his inseparable companion. They met the 
British on their retreat, somewhere between Lexington and Boston, 
followed and harassed them, firing from behind stone walls and 
bushes." 

[ '57 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

These veterans both appear in Captain Rufus Mans- 
field's company. Fragmentary as this evidence is, it 
would seem to jn-ove that Lynn's companies went forth 
in order. 

The pay-rolls of the five Lexington alarm companies 
were made up about the first of the year following the 
alarm. They were sworn to by the respective captains 
and presented to the General Court for payment. Later 
they were examined by the Council and ordered paid. 
On each roll the item of travel is included, although the 
distances named are somewhat confusing. The men of 
Captain Parker's company, which surely w^ent no farther 
than West Cambridge, were paid for forty-six miles of 
travel, while those of Captain Farrington's company, 
known to have reached a point two miles farther on, re- 
ceived the same amount. Captain Bancroft's company, 
which marched an equal distance, received allowance for 
but thirty miles. Captain Mansfield's company received pay 
for forty-six miles, and Captain Ezra Newhall's company 
is credited with forty miles. The distance is possibly 
reckoned to Concord and return, but it is certain that 
none of the men arrived there. On Captain Bancroft's 
roll six men were not paid for mileage, yet received full 
pay for two days' service. This may be accounted for 
by the supposition that these particular men did not 
hear of the alarm in time to march with their companies, 
but, having reported later, were paid for service, and not 
for travel. If the various companies had not marched 
as companies, it is doubtful whether the state W'Ould have 
approved a bill for mileage. 

A discrepancy may be noted on the pay-roll of Ca[)- 
tain Parker's company. The names of Thomas Hadley 

[ :3s ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

and William F'lint appear with a note that they were killed. 
It is certain that they should have been placed in Cap- 
tain Bancroft's Lynnfield company. 

The entire sum paid by the state for the service of these 
five conipanies in the battle of Lexington was £123 
16^. 5d. 

Having found that Lynn was regularly represented, 
let us turn and follow the alarm as it rang out on that 
beautiful April morning. From Saugus the news came 
down over the old Boston Road into Lynn, and from farm 
to farm it spread with amazing rapidity. The sun was 
hardly above the horizon before William Newhall and 
Samuel Berry, drummer and fifer in Captain Ezra New- 
hall's company, were sounding the long roll on the Com- 
mon, and the farmers were coming on the run from all 
directions. The hurriedly fired minute-guns left no 
home unaware that the British were on the march, and 
the gathering of the companies was a matter of only a 
short time. As the first rays of the morning sun lit up the 
vane on the old meeting-house, we may imagine a motley 
array, indeed, gathered before the historic edifice. 
Father, son, and grandson were there, — the seasoned 
veteran and the inexperienced boy, all eager to make 
the first stand in their country's defence. Many of the 
older men, like Captain John Mansfield, Captain Ezra 
Newhall, Isaac Meachem, and Allen Newhall, had seen 
service in the old French War, but to most of those who 
met in the gathering light war was unfamiliar. Hardly 
a home in Lynn that day contained a male over fifteen 
years of age, with the exception of the sick and religious 
non-combatants. Before eight o'clock Captain Ezra 
Newhall and his company had disappeared down New- 

[ '59 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

hall's Lane, and were on the way over Tower Hill to the 
scene of conflict. 

That morning a house, which is still standing oppo- 
site the Lynn Hospital, was framed and ready for an 
old-fashioned raising. According to custom many were 
to assemble to assist in the work, but the Lexington alarm 
postponed the ceremony indefinitely. All the men 
marched away in their companies, some never to return. 
Mr. William Hudson, now a venerable man of eighty- 
seven, whose grandfathers were in the battle, is authority 
for the statement that not a carpenter was left to work 
upon the building. 

The route taken by all the companies was undoubtedly 
over the County Road to Saugus, thence through Clifton- 
dale, by "Black Ann's Corner" into Maiden, thence 
through Medford to Menotomy, or West Cambridge, 
now Arlington. By this route the distance traversed 
must have been at least twelve miles, and the time con- 
sumed three hours. The main body of the British troops 
had passed through Menotomy before daybreak, and was 
in Lexington at sunrise. The daybreak conflict on Lex- 
ington Common had caused the British to hastily send 
back to Boston for reinforcements. It is probable that 
these extra troops had passed through Menotomy before 
the arrival of the Lynn men. With this large force up 
the road it would have been folly for the scattered com- 
panies of minute-men to march up to meet Earl Percy 
and his two thousand picked men of the British army. Ac- 
cording to General Gage's report to the king, made 
directly after the battle, the first body sent out on the 
night of the eighteenth consisted of the grenadiers of his 
army and at least ten companies of light infantry, eight 

[40] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

hundred men in all, under the eommand of Lieutenant- 
Colonel Smith of the Tenth Kegiment and Major Pitcairn 
of the Marines. These men were in part from the Fifth, 
Tenth, Thirty-eight, Forty-third, Forty-seventh, Fifty- 
second, and Fifty-ninth Regiments. The next morning 
General Gage hurried off eight companies of the Fourth, 
or King's Own, Regiment, an equal number of the 
Twenty-third Regiment of Royal Welsh Fusileers and 
the Forty-ninth Regiment, together with the First Battal- 
ion of Marines, in all twelve hundred men, under com- 
mand of Earl Percy. Thus a force of two thousand 
men, or nearly two-thirds of the British army in Boston, 
were on the road between Boston and Concord. It is 
no wonder that some officer was wise enough to tell Cap- 
tain Parker to disperse his men, and let them fight in 
their own way. When the red-coats, under Lieutenant- 
Colonel Smith, reached the Munroe tavern in Lexing- 
ton on the retreat down the Boston Road, all agree that 
it was between one and two o'clock in the afternoon. 
At that point Earl Percy met them with his fresh troops. 
This is an additional proof that his troops had passed 
through Menotomy before noon, and therefore before 
the arrival of many of the Lynn men. It is probable that 
the latter reached the Boston Road to Lexington soon 
after Earl Percy had passed with his reinforcements. 

Captain Bancroft's company came over through South 
Reading, forming a junction with the other Lynn men, 
also at about this time. These were soon followed by the 
seven companies from Danvers and by many others from 
Essex County towns, nearly all of whom came through 
l^ynn over the present Boston Street. Mr. Samuel M. 
Bubier, one of Lynn's former mayors, used often to re- 

[41] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

late that his grandmother, Joanna Mansfield, daughter 
of Ebenezer Mansfield, a young girl at the time of the 
battle, living in the old house afterwards known as the 
Bubier house, on Boston Street, near Park, watched with 
great interest the Danvers men as they passed the house, 
noting particularly their homespun gray stockings. Many 
times she drew water from the well for the thirsty minute- 
men as they hurried along the road. The next day she 
saw, carried by in a cart, seven of the same men who had 
been killed in the battle, and whom she knew by their 
gray stockings. 

When the British column finally appeared on the out- 
skirts of Menotomy, on its way back, it was nearly five 
o'clock. At this point an immense number of minute- 
men had collected, and the first determined stand of the 
day was taken by the provincials. Every minute had 
made the position of the British worse, for the farmers 
were appearing in numbers to appall the stoutest hearts. 
Enraged by the burning and plundering of their homes, 
they were harassing the regulars at every turn. 

This was the condition of affairs when Captain Ban- 
croft looked up the road and saw the advance-guard of 
the enemy. Although he was fifty years of age and had 
been commissioned in the king's militia since 1767, he 
had never been in actual warfare. On the way over he 
had asked Zerubbabel Hart, a private in his company 
who had been in the French and Indian War, if he was 
afraid to go into the fight, and Hart had replied, "No, 
but I tell you to look out for the flank-guard!" It will 
be no disparagement to the old captain to say that un- 
doubtedly he felt no resentment at the well-meant advice 
of his neighbor, who was only a private. As the British 




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Lynn in the Revolution 

advanced in regular order, Ca{>tain Bancroft observed 
that the main body was marching in the road, but that 
on both sides were long lines of flankers marching in the 
fielfls. Zerubbabel Hart's warning might have come to 
him with force at that moment, but it w^as too late to act, 
for, before he knew it, his company, with others, was 
between the main line and the flank-guard. At this time 
thev were near the home of Jason Russell, and were usine: 
it as a shield. The Danvers men had improvised a de- 
fence from a huge pile of shingles, and were busily firing 
at the troops in the road. Before they could escape, 
seven of their number were killed,- — caught in a tra]). 
Dr. Joseph Warren was near by, and barely escaped with 
his life. Seeing the fate of the Danvers minute-men, 
many of the Lynn boys rushed into the house, and there 
Abednego Ramsdell, Daniel Townsend, William Flint, 
and Thomas Hadley were killed, and Timothy Munroe, 
Joshua Felt, and others wounded. This part of the 
tragic story is told in part by Alonzo Lewis in the His- 
tory of Lynn : — 

"Timothy Munroe was standing behind a house with Daniel 
Townsend, firing at the British troops as they were coming down 
the road in their retreat to Boston. Townsend had just fired and 
exclaimed, 'There is another red-coat down,' when Munroe, looking 
around, saw, to his astonishment, that they were completely hemmed 
in l)y the flank guard of the British army, which was coming down 
through the fields behind them. They immediately ran into the 
house and sought for the cellar, but no cellar was there. They looked 
for a closet, but there was none. All this time, which indeed was but 
a moment, the balls were pouring through the back windows, making 
havoc of the glass. Townsend leaped through the end window and 
immediately fell dead. ^lunroe followed and ran for his life. He 

[43] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

passed for a long distance between both parties, many of whom dis- 
charged their guns at him. As he passed the last soldier, who stopped 
to fire, he heard the red-coat exclaim, 'Damn the Yankee! He is 
bullet proof. Let him go.' Mr. Munroe had one ball through his 
leg, and thirty-two bullet holes through his clothes and hat. Even 
the metal buttons of his waistcoat were shot off." 

Jason Russell, closely pursued, sought refuge in his 
own house, but was shot dead at his door and afterwards 
stabbed eleven times by bayonets, so great was the fury 
of the British. Tarrying but a few minutes, however, 
to plunder the house, the regulars swept on towards 
Boston, leaving twelve patriots dead in the wayside farm- 
house. 

After the savage fight at the Russell homestead, the 
Lynn men scattered in every direction, and followed the 
British in a running fight to Charlestown. Timothy 
Munroe, although wounded, still continued the pursuit. 
During the latter part of the retreat he found a Britisli 
soldier badly wounded, who begged him to stop and 
dress his wound, which was bleeding freely. Munroe 
stopped the flow of blood with his handkerchief, but the 
man finally died in his arms. Before his death, however, 
he gave his silver knee-buckles to Mr. Munroe, and they 
are still preserved in the Munroe family. 

Josiah Breed, a private in Captain Rufus Mansfield's 
company, was eagerly pursuing the British as they re- 
treated toward Boston, when he was suddenly surrounded 
and made prisoner. His arms and accoutrements were 
taken away, and he was forced along with the British 
column. Arriving at Charlestown, he was sent on board 
the frigate Lively with several other American pris- 
oners. There he w^as confined until the sixth of June, 

[ 44 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

when he was exchanged for Lieutenant Gould of the 
British army, who was wounded and captured by the 
patriots at Concord bridge. 

Reference has been made elsewhere to Harris Chad- 
well and Ephraim Breed. Both were near the Russell 
house when their comrades were killed, but escaped, 
and followed the British on their retreat. Mr. Chad- 
well used often to relate their experience. He said that 
they were on a hill wdien the flank-guard of the enemy 
tried to surround them. Seeing the soldiers coming, 
he jumped over a stone wall, but, striking his knee on 
a rock, nearly disabled himself. As the red-coats would 
be obliged to pass that way, he resolved to throw his 
gun and equipments into a small pond close by in order 
that, should he be discovered, he need not be taken under 
arms. The British, however, too eager to get back to 
Boston to look behind stone walls, pushed rapidly on. 
xVfter Chadwell had seen them pass, he raised himself to 
fire upon them, but refrained from doing so, since they 
were still near. Determined, however, not to let such 
a good opportunity pass without apprising them of his 
presence, he w^aited until the distance between them had 
widened somewhat, and then raised himself again and 
fired. Immediately the compliment was returned with 
a shower of bullets which knocked the stones from the 
wall, but did no further damage. After the skirmish, 
while passing over the ground with Mr. Breed, the two 
men saw' a British soldier wounded in the abdomen, who 
begged them to shoot him that he might be out of his 
misery. Mr. Breed raised his gun to do so, but Mr. 
Chadwell struck it from his hands, saying: "Don't fire! 
He is our prisoner!" 

[45] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

During the day Thomas Newhall, who was in Cap- 
tain Rufus Mansfield's company, fell and broke his \e^ 
in his haste to follow up the British. 

Abednego Ramsdell and Joseph Richards were neigh- 
bors living on Marblehead Lane, now Essex Street, at 
the point where it enters Swampscott. It is related that 




A Record found in an Old Account Book of Xathanicl 
Tarbox, a Revolnttonari/ Soldier 

that morning, just as he was starting for the fight, Rams- 
dell was warned by a woman that he would not come back 
alive. He is said to have replied that it might be so, but 
that he was going in a good cause, and, if he fell, he would 
take a red-coat with him. He Avas twenty-four years of 
age, and his neighbor, Joseph Richards, was twenty-one. 
Both were in Captain William Farrington's company. 
After Mr. Ramsdell was killed, Richards had a hand- 
to-hand contest with a British soldier, who attacked him 

[46] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

with a bayonet. lie defended himself stoutly, and suc- 
ceeded in striking the soldier a heavy blow which felled 
him to the ground. Richards did not wait to see what 
the result might be, but joined his companions in their 
pursuit of the king's troops. 

The running fight continued until dark, when the 
British escaped into Charlestown, the Lynn men having 
followed them to the end. The patriot loss was forty- 
nine killed, thirty-nine wounded, and five missing. Of 
the twenty-three towns represented in this number, Lynn 
stood fourth in number killed. The British loss, accord- 
ing to General Gage, was one lieutenant-colonel killed and 
two wounded; two captains and nine lieutenants wounded, 
one lieutenant missing; two ensigns wounded; one ser- 
geant killed, four wounded, and two missing; one drum- 
mer killed and one wounded; sixty- two rank and file 
killed and one hundred and fifty-seven wounded, to- 
gether with twenty-four missing. 

Thus ended the battle of Lexington. The morning 
alarm, however, seemingly had no end. It sped on with 
irresistible force until it had thoroughly awakened the 
colonies from Massachusetts in Maine to the wilds of 
the southern swamps. Before night the fords of the 
Merrimac were choked with men responding to the call 
to arms. Twenty-four hours had not elapsed till Israel 
Putnam and a body of Connecticut men were on the way 
to Cambridge. Springfield sent her minute-men forty- 
eight hours after the battle had ceased. The Pittsfield 
company started the twenty-third of April to participate 
in a contest which had been concluded nearly tw^o weeks 
when it arrived at Cambridge. Over two hundred towns 
and plantations in Massachusetts alone had joined in 

[47] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

responding to the alarm, and at least twenty thousand 
men had answered to the midnight call of Revere and 
Dawes. 

Let us now turn back to the Russell house, where in the 
stillness of the evening three of our Lynn men lay. In 
the south room of the old farm-house they had been left, 
side by side, — Abednego Ramsdell, William Flint, and 
Thomas Hadley, who, full of life, had come over from Lynn 
that morning. There were also Jason Russell, of Me- 
notomy, the owner of the house; Benjamin Pierce, of 
Salem; Lieutenant John Bacon, Nathaniel Chamber- 
lain, and Amos Mills, of Needham; Elias Haven and 
Jonathan Parker, of Dedham; and Jabez Wyman and 
Jason Winship, of Menotomy. The body of Daniel 
Townsend had already been taken away by his brother, 
who was lieutenant of the Lynnfield company, and the 
seven Danvers men were also borne away that night by 
their comrades. Twelve, however, were left where they 
fell. Two days after, all but three of these were buried 
in a common grave in the rear of the Russell house. 
There they remained until April twenty-second, 1848, 
when their remains were transferred to the cemetery at 
Arlington, and a monument erected by the town. The 
three men from Menotomy were buried in separate 
graves. 

We now return to the Lynn men who had become scat- 
tered as the fight progressed. Many of them came back 
to Lynn during the night, and a portion of them, at least, 
found lodging at Medford. Nearly all, however, reached 
home the next day. With the return of Captains Parker, 
Farrington, Bancroft, and Mansfield to Lynn, their com- 
panies ceased to exist, for the work of the minute-men 

[48] 







i a 



Lynn in the Revolution 

was over, and tlic Continental Army was soon to be 
organized. Witli the exception of Captain Newhall, 
none of these captains saw further service in the war. 
It is interesting to read a note following the name of 
James Gowing on the pay-roll of Captain Bancroft's 
company. Instead of receiving pay for thirty miles of 
travel and two days' service, he is accredited wdth sixty- 
seven miles of travel and three days' service from the fact 
that he was ordered to go to Ipswich jail with a number 
of prisoners. It would thus appear that Captain Bancroft's 
company, in addition to sustaining the heaviest loss, 
succeeded in taking some British prisoners. 

Captain Newhall and his company returned to Lynn, 
and })roceeded to do guard duty. Later, as may be seen 
by an examination of a pay-roll of his company, most 
of his men began to enlist in the new army. In fact, 
before May fifteenth of that year nearly all of them 
had enrolled themselves as Continentals, and later were 
in the service during the siege of Boston. 

Glancing over the rolls of the companies once more 
before we leave the interesting record of the part which 
our Lynn men took at the very beginning of the Revolu- 
tion, w^e note several additional facts which it may be 
well to mention in this connection. While the Lewis 
history credits the little tow^n with only 168 men who 
served during the whole w^ar, we find that the alarm of 
April nineteenth, 1775, alone, brought out 247 men, 
and the subsequent years of the war increased the num- 
ber to nearly five hundred. Where previously twenty- 
one officers have been noted as coming from the tow^n, 
Captain Rufus Mansfield, David Parker, Nathaniel Ban- 
croft, and William Farrington not being mentioned, we 

[ ^^^> ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

find that in the five companies which went out on this 
first alarm there were forty-four ofiicers, besides the two 
fifers and three drummers. 

Of Captain Ezra Newhall's company, which consisted 
of forty-nine men, only fourteen are to be found in Mr. 
Lewis's list; of Captain Bancroft's company of fifty- 
eight men, only five are mentioned; of Captain William 
Farrington's company of fifty -three men, only nineteen; 
of Captain Parker's company of sixty- three, only seven; 
and of Captain Mansfield's company of forty-four, only 
twelve. 

The family names which are most prominent in these 
companies are "Newhall," represented by forty-two 
men; "Mansfield," by seventeen; "Bancroft," by seven; 
"Boardman," by six; "Burrill," by fifteen; "Breed," 
by seven; "Brown," by ten; "Hitchings," by nine; 
"Johnson," by ten; "Ingalls," by eight. 

Thus did Lynn respond nobly to the midnight alarm. 
Four of her sons were slain by the soldiers of the king, 
and others were wounded or suffered loss. The last 
Lynn survivor of the famous battle passed away over 
sixty years ago, but the grandchildren of these brave 
men still relate the story of their sires. 



[50] 



Chapter IV 

THE GATHERING OF THE ARMY AT CAM- 
BRIDGE AND THE BATTLE OF BUNKER 
HILL 

After the battle of Lexington a meeting of the Pro- 
vincial Congress was at once called, and the Committee 
of Safety sent word to the Governors of New Hampshire, 
Rhode Island, and Connecticut, as follows: — 

As the troops have now commenced hostilities, we think it our 
duty to exert our utmost strength to save our country from absolute 
slavery. We pray your honors would afiord us all the assistance in 
your power. 

The provincials were gathering in the neighborhood 
of Boston, and Congress, realizing the necessity of bring- 
ing an army under organization, had sent out its call 
for thirty thousand men to be raised in the New England 
colonies, thirteen thousand five hundred of whom were 
to be raised in Massachusetts. Upon the day when this 
resolve was passed in the Provincial Congress a town 
meeting was held in Lynn, and the quaint language of 
the old record will give the best possible idea of the vigi- 
lance and caution which were exercised by the inhabi- 
tants for the safety of the town. We can seem to read 
between the lines all the excitement and anxiety which 
must have been felt after the battle which had just been 
fought so near at hand, and at a time when the future 

[ 'Ji ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

could but hold unknown trouble and hardship. The 
record is as follows: — 

"At a town meeting held the 23rd. of April, 1775, in the old meet- 
ino- house, Dea. Danl. Mansfield was chosen moderator. It was 

"Voted to chuse a Coramite Consisting of three men to Joyne with 
the other Committes to Consult sum mesures to Defend the Sea 
Ports. 

"Voted that Dec. Daniel Mansfield, the Reverend Mr. Joseph 
Roby and the Reverend John Treadwell serve on sd. commite. 

"Voted that Larrim men meet togeather and Chuse ofiisers for 
sd. Compeny and view arms. 

"Voted that all the men that are aBliged to Bair arms in Either 
of the Lists that they meet and view their arms all in one day viz. 
that the two East Compeneys with the Larrim men in sd. Compenie 
meet at the old meeting house; the West Compeney with the Larrim 
men in sd. compeney to meet at Mr. Jacob Newhalls' Inholder; and 
the Compeney in the North Parrish at Mr. Ezekiel Gowings Inholder ; 
all the aBove Compenies to meet on thursday the 27th Instant at 3 
of the clock afternoon. 

"Voted that the minnit men Receive Billiting in Proportion to 
the Rest of the armey. 

"Voted that their be a watch kept in the Town to Consist of 
twelve men Each and Every Night. 

"Voted that Benja. Newhall serve as a head to sett sd. watch and 
that the Selectmen assist in seting sd. watch if required." 

Captain Ezra Newhall's minute company had not yet 
been disbanded, a fact which is shown by the record of 
April twenty-seventh, when it w^as "Voted that the 
minit Compeney be kept Imbodied and be supplied by 
tlie Town till further orders." Only a few days later, 
however, it would seem that the men had nearly all en- 
listed in Colonel John Mansfield's new regiment which 

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PAGE FROM TOW.V RECORDS 



Lynn in the Revolution 

was to become a part of the army gathering at Cam- 
bridge, for the records show that on "May 2, 1775, it 
was voted that the minit compeney Receive no more pay 
from the Town." It was desired, however, that the 
selectmen send a request to the Committee of Safety 
for "Part of the Troops to be stationed in Lynn for our 
Safety and to a sist in keeping watches." Accordingly, 
on the eighteenth and twenty-third, watches w^ere again 
established as follows: — 

"Voted that there be a Watch kept at the Lower Landing so cald 
and also voted that Capt. David Parker be Capt. of sd. watch and 
that the Rest of the watches be continued or Dismist at the Pleasure 
of the Selectmen. 

"Voted that Capt. Rufus Mansfield and Capt. William Farrington 
serve as captains of the watches forthe Bodey of the Town. 

"Voted that the Captains of the Watches Notifye Each Person 
three Days Before the Time of W'atching, and those Persons that 
Shall Refuse (Being Duly Notifyed) then shall forfyt the sum of two 
shillings for Every time it shall come to their turn to watch and the 
Captains of sd. watches shall keep a list of those Persons so Neglect- 
ing to watch and Return it to the Assesors of this town for them to 
Put it into their Next Town Rait." 

The above watches formed a part of the coast-guard 
which w as stationed along the seaboard for the remainder 
of the year or until the army moved southward. 

On the tw^enty-seventh of May, Colonel John Mans- 
field reported his new regiment as ready for service, and 
it accordingly joined the other forces at Cambridge under 
General Artemas Ward, who was for the time in command, 
he having received his appointment about a week earlier. 

The Lynn soldiers no doubt took the same oath as 
that administered to the other Continentals, namely: — 

[53] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

"I do hereby solemnly engage and enlist myself as a soldier in the 
Massachusetts service, from the day of my enlistment to the last day 
of December next, unless the service should admit of a discharge of 
a part or the whole sooner, which will be at the discretion of the 
Committee of Safety; and I hereby promise to submit myself to the 
orders and regulations of the Army, and faithfully to observe and 
obey all such orders as I shall receive from any superior officer." 

Many descriptions have been given of the appearance 
of these private soldiers who furnished their own clothing, 
and had not yet reached the dignity of a uniform. Cer- 
tain it is that there was little attractiveness in the simple 
costume of the countryside. The quiet colors were most 
in evidence, the dull browns and greens, and the style 
and cut of the motley attire was often the subject of ridi- 
cule by the British. It was only later that they learned 
to fear and respect the wearers of the rifleman's dress 
which was suggested by Washington, and came to be 
to some extent adopted. Our New England men never 
wore the buff and blue which we like to associate with 
Washington, and was really the prescribed uniform of 
only the New Jersey and New York Continentals. In 
the records of our Lynn soldiers we notice the fact of 
a bounty coat being allowed them for service during the 
first months of the war. In this connection we find that 
two days after Washington took command of the army, the 
Provincial Congress of Massachusetts passed a resolve 
to provide thirteen thousand coats for use of the army of 
Massachusetts. Not all of our men accepted this aid, 
"being sufficiently provided in that respect," but at the 
end of their enlistment took instead the equivalent in 
money. We give here the resolve, which has been called 
The Coat Koll Resolve: 

[54] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

"Resolved that 13000 coats V)e provided, as soon as may be, and 
one thereof l)e j^iven to each non-commissioned officer and soldier 
in the Massachusetts forces, agreeably to resolve of 28d. of April 
last, and in order to facilitate their being prepared, 

"Resolved, that the said 18000 overcoats be proportioned immedi- 
ately on all the towns and districts of this colony, except the towns of 
Boston and Charlestown, in proportion as they paid the last pro- 
vincial tax, which towns and districts are desired to cause them to 
be made of good cloth, preferences to be given to the manufacturers 
of this country, and to be delivered to the committee of supplies, 
without buttons, on or before the first day of October next. That 
for every yard of such cloth of f of a yard wide, they shall be allowed 
and paid the sum of 5s. 4:d. and in that proportion for cloth of greater 
or less width; and the sum of 4s. for making each and every coat 
and the selectmen of each town and district respectively are directed 
to lay their accounts before the committee of supplies, who are 
ordered to draAV on the Receiver General for the payment thereof. 

"That the coat be faced with the same kind of cloth of which it 
is made, that the coats be made in the common plain way, without 
lappels, short and with small folds, and that the selectmen cause a 
certificate to be sewn on the inside of each coat purporting from what 
town it came, and by whom the coat was made, and if the cloth was 
manufactured in this country and by whom it was manufactured. 

"That the committees of supplies be and are hereby directed to 
provide all the coats proportioned on such towns and districts as 
give information to them as aforesaid that they cannot supply them, 
and they are to cause all the coats to be buttoned with pewter but- 
tons, and that the coats for each regiment, respectively, have buttons 
of the same number stamped upon them." 

Apportionments were made as follows: — 

Salem, 350. Andover, 189. 

Dan vers, 116. Haverhill, 113. 

Newburyport, 184. T^ynn, 93. 

Marblehead, ^2().>. 

[55] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

In all about two thousand three hundred in Essex 
County. 

Not only was the personal appearance of the soldiers 
at Cambridge peculiar, but the camps themselves were 
equally varied and curious. Rev. William Emerson 
w rites of them : — 

"It is very diverting to walk among the different camps. They 
are as different in their forms as the owners are in their dress; and 
every tent is a portraiture of the temper and tastes of the persons 
who encamp in it. Some are made of boards, and some are made 
of sail cloth; some are partly of one and partly of the other. Again 
others are made of stone and turf, brick and brush. Some are thrown 
up in a hurry, others curiously wrought with wreaths and withes." 

In such a company do we now find the men who had 
enlisted in Colonel John Mansfield's regiment, under 
the old captain of the minute company, Ezra Newhall. 
Many of the men had marched with him on the Lexing- 
ton alarm. Some had taken part in that memorable 
running fight under the other Lynn captains, and still 
others were new recruits. 

The following roll of sixty-three men was made up 
August first, 1775, the term of enlistment expiring 
on the first of the next January, and four hundred and 
twenty-two pounds, eleven shillings, and sixpence being 
paid for the service thus rendered. These were the Lynn 
men who were nearest the scene of conflict when the 
first great battle, that of Bunker Hill, was fought, — a 
battle which, though it resulted in a divided victory, was 
truly great in its moral effect. 



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Lynn in the Revolution 

Captain Ezra Newhall's Company in August, 1775. 

Ezra Newhall, Captain, 
John Upton, Lieut., 
Grimes Tufts, Ensign, 
Increase Newhall, Sergt., 
John Watts, Sergt., 
James Edmunds, Sergt., 
Joseph Stocker, Sergt., 
Rufus Brown, Corp., 
Ebenezer Mansfield, Corp., 
John Cutler, Corp., 
Ebenezer Stocker, Corp., 
Ezra Brown, Drummer, 
Samuel Berry, Fifer, 
William Hill, Fifer, 
Joseph Alley, Private, 
Jonathan Briant, Private, 
Timothy Burnham, Private, 
Joshua Burnham, Private, 
Stephen Coats, Private, 
William Coats, Private, 
Israel Cheever, Private, 
Joshua Danforth, Private, 
Joseph Farrington, Private, 
Thomas Florence, Private, 
Thomas Hall (Hill?), Private, 
Timothy Johnson, Private, 
Daniel Lindsey, Private, 
David Lewis, Private, 
Benjamin Meeds, Private, 
Jonathan Newhall, Private, 
Ebenezer Stocker, Jr., Private, 
Abel Belknap, Private, 
Potter Fuller, Private, 

[57] 



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Lynn in the Revolution 

Thomas Hutchinson, Private, May 4. 

Henry Young, Private, " 4. 

Silas Ramsdell, Private, " 6. 

Richard Hill Private, " 5. 

Israel Burrill, Bourrall, Private, " 6. 

Benjamin Tarbox, Private, '' 6. 

Onesimus Newhall, Private, " 4. 

Ebenezer Porter, Private, " 4. 

Francis Cowin, Private, " 6. 

Charles Florence, Private, " 6. 

Garland Chamberlain, Private, " 5, 

John Baker, Private, " 6. 

Francis Bowden, Private, "• 3. 

James Marvel, Private, " 6. 

Ebenezer Brown (Reading), Private, " 6. 

John Danforth, Private, " 6. 

William Pell Pratt, Private, " 4. 

David Newman, Private, " 5. 

Samuel Wheeler, Private, " 6. 

John Bancroft, Private, " 4. 

Jesse Whitman, Private, " 6. 

Benjamin Twist, Private, " 8. 

Jonathan Fuller, Private, June 4. 

John Blanchard, Private, '* 20. 

William Trench, Private, May 1. 

Nathan Ramsdell, Private, " 5. 

Ezra Waitt, Private, " 6. 

Newhall, Private, " 4. 

Nathaniel Tarbox, Private, " 3. 



Meanwhile many of the inhabitants of Boston and 
Charlestown had moved out into the country, and the 
patriot army, though composed of loosely organized and 
untrained provincials liad taken its station just outside 

[58] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

of Boston, and was keeping close watch of the well- 
equipped British soldiery which was quartered in the 
town, and numbered between five and six thousand men. 
The patriot commanders took pains in various manoeu- 
vres within sight of the enemy to make the number of 
their men appear larger than it was. Some skirmishes 
took place in the harbor, and the provincials had begun, 
here and there, to throw up breastworks. When the 
news came to them that reinforcements were expected 
in Boston, they felt more and more the need of efficient 
organization. The Massachusetts Congress looked for 
aid to the Continental Congress, then in session in Phila- 
delphia, and, more than a month before the final appoint- 
ment of Washington as Commander-in-Chief, word 
was sent to the Massachusetts delegates in that body 
that it would be most acceptable if "the beloved 
Col. Washington was placed at the head of the Amer- 
ican forces." 

General Ward was too inactive to suit the enthusiasm 
of the men who were under him, — the men who, at the 
beginning of the w^ar, at least, were filled with patriotic 
fervor and the spirit of adventure. It was fortunate 
that they had at this time little realization of what the 
war was to be, with its long wilderness marches, its more 
tedious waitings in camp through cold and hunger and 
uncertainty, and its long periods of discouragement and 
disaster. 

The British, on their part, would scarcely admit them- 
selves in a state of siege in Boston. They were still 
confident, even after their experience at Concord and 
Lexington, that they had but to sally forth to easily put 
to flight in the open field the body of raw provincials 

[59] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

with which they were surrounded. Nevertheless, they 
waited until the arrival of reinforcements under Generals 
Howe, Burgoyne, and Clinton before they began to move. 
How the Americans prepared themselves for the ex- 
pected attack from the enemy has been well and variously 
told. The Committee of Safety held many meetings, 
and thoroughly discussed plans of operation. Some de- 
fences were constructed, and the question of fortifying 
Bunker Hill and Dorchester Heights was debated. There 
was, however, such lack of organization and powder 
that many felt that the army was not strong enough to 
defend such exposed positions, and counselled waiting. 
It is possible that such counsel would have prevailed, 
had it not become known that the British were to take 
possession of Dorchester Heights on the night of the 
eighteenth of June. The information, which was not 
to be doubted, seemed to make it necessary that immedi- 
ate action be taken. The Committee of Safety passed 
its recommendation to occupy and defend Bunker Hill as 
well as to secure one or more hills on Dorchester Neck,^ — 
a recommendation which w^as accepted by the council 
of war held on the sixteenth. That very night the army 
began its quiet march toward Bunker Hill, and at mid- 
night the men took their spades and began throwing up 
the fortifications marked out by Colonel Gridley. Col- 
onel Prescott was there, and himself went twice down to 
the riverside to satisfy himself that they were not dis- 
covered, and to listen for the "All's well!" of the watch 
on the men-of-war moored opposite. Morning found 
them w^th intrenchments six feet high, intrenchments 
which had been thrown up so swiftly and silently by 
twelve hundred patriots that no sound had betrayed them, 

[60] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

and only tlie dawn revealed their work to the ships in 
the river and the batteries on Copp's Hill. 

The story of that famous seventeenth of June scarcely 
belongs here, except as it touches our men of Lynn. 
Colonel Mansfield's regiment had marched out from 
Cambridge, eager to get into the fray, but was only per- 
mitted to watch it from a distance. The day was fraught 
with disappointment and chagrin to both British and 
provincial, though both fought bravely and well. Only 
time could give to this first great battle its rightful esti- 
mate. By the American to-day it is regarded as "a 
victory, with all the moral effect of victory," although 
our soldiers were obliged to retreat from the redoubt, to 
leave the gallant Warren on the hill, and to see it occu- 
pied by the king's. troops. The quality of the American 
soldier was forever proved on that day, and Froth ing- 
ham says that "their bravery w^as so resolute and their 
self-devotion was so lofty as to at once elicit from all 
quarters the most glowing commendation." 

The account of the part taken by the different regi- 
ments engaged was for a long time meagre and uncertain. 
There was much confusion at the time of the battle in 
regard to orders, and even brave and patriotic officers 
blundered through misunderstanding and inexperience. 
To-day, even with all the wealth of material from which 
to draw information, it is not an easy matter to bring 
forward with absolute certainty the true story of a regi- 
ment or its commander. Yet our Lynn story would not 
be complete, did we not try to present as clearly and accu- 
rately as possible the connection of Colonel John Mans- 
field's regiment with the battle of Bunker Hill. 

[61] 



Chapter V 
COLONEL JOHN MANSFIELD 

The most prominent man in the town of Lynn at the 
time of the breaking out of thexRevolutionary War was 
Captain John Mansfield. Born in Lynn during the 
reign of King George I., he lived to see Thomas Jeffer- 
son made President of the United States. His career 
was a notable one, full of adventure, success, and defeat. 
His public services were many and varied, and his devo- 
tion to duty was sincere and marked. Yet, if we were 
to accept as final the report found in the provincial rec- 
ords of the Revolutionary period, we might feel that a 
shadow rested upon his memory. Generations have 
long since gone of the men who knew and remembered 
him, and nearly two hundred years have passed since 
his birth, yet even at this late day we are able to glean 
some facts which would seem to clear away the misun- 
derstanding caused by the reading of that early record, — 
a record which, however true it may be, we can but feel 
resulted from a judgment severe to injustice on the man 
upon whom it was passed. 

John Mansfield was born February nineteenth, 1721, 
in that part of Lynn called "Mansfield's End." This 
section comprised the land now lying between Pine Grove 
Cemetery and Federal Square, and stretched northward to 
the hills. His line of descent, traced back to the emigrant 
ancestor, would be John^, Jonathan^, Joseph^, Joseph^, 
Robert\ Robert, the emigrant, who with his wife, 
Elizabeth, was in Lynn in 1640, lived on Boston Street, 

[62] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

near Moiilton, in a house which he huilt and a portion of 
wliich is said to be still standing. His death occurred 
December 1(3, lOOG. His son Joseph was in the Narra- 
gansett War, married Elizabeth Needham, and died in 
Lynn, April 22, 1694. Joseph, of the third generation 
from Robert, was born in Lynn, January 1, 1660, 
married Elizabeth Williams, and died June 2, 1739. 
His gravestone is still to be seen in the Old Western 
Burial Ground. This Joseph's son, Jonathan, was born 
in Lynn, February 26, 1690, married Martha Stocker, 
and died March 1, 1728-29, when his son John was 
seven years old. 

Of the earlier years of John Mansfield nothing is known 
up to the time of his marriage with Sarah Cheever, of 
Saugus, niece of Rev. Edward Cheever, who performed 
the marriage ceremony. Sarah Cheever was of the fifth 
generation from Ezekiel Cheever, the famous master of 
the Boston Latin School, and by the marriage of John 
Mansfield with her there were united two of the oldest 
families in Massachusetts and certainly two of the most 
prominent in Lynn. The home was established on what 
is now Strawberry Avenue, formerly called " Gen. Mans- 
field's Lane." The ancient building, torn down in 1885, 
stood directly opposite the Orgin house, and was mod- 
elled after the style of houses built about 1740, the roof 
sloping nearly to the ground, the windows small, and the 
chimney immense. In this house were born his thir- 
teen children: John, June 29, 1750, died young; Isaac, 
September 22, 1753; Cheever, December 25, 1755; 
Sarah, September 12, 1757, died August 27, 1763; Lucy, 
August 27, 1759, married Joel Newhall, December 24, 
1778; William (Colonel), July 1, 1761; Martha, July 6, 

[63] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

1763; James, May 6, 1765; Sarah, April 16, 1767, mar- 
ried Daniel Allen Breed Newliall; Mary, January 5, 
1770, married Samuel Brimblecom, afterward lieuten- 
ant-colonel in the War of 1812; Jonathan, May 1, 1772; 
John, December 9, 1774; Elizabeth, June 21, 1777. 

During the French and Indian War, Captain Mans- 
field became actively engaged in the service of the king, 
enlisting December 13, 1754, in a company in His Maj- 
esty's service raised for the defence of the eastern frontier, 
under Captain John Lane. He was at Albany in 1756, 
under Captain Samuel Flint, of Danvers. He was a 
corporal in Captain William Angler's company at Fort 
Cumberland from April second, 1759, to January twenty- 
sixth, 1760; a private in Captain Moses Parker's com- 
pany from June eighth, 1761, to January second, 1762; 
and a sergeant in Captain Hart's company from March 
twelfth to November twenty-fifth, 1763. In January, 
1766, he was made lieutenant of Captain Samuel Johnson's 
second company of militia in the town of Lynn, Colonel 
Pickman's regiment, being promoted to captain in 1771. 
This latter company was attached to the first regiment 
of Essex County, commanded by Colonel William Brown. 
During the exciting days preceding the Revolution, Cap- 
tain Mansfield assumed a prominent part in the debates 
which took place in the old meeting-house on the Com- 
mon. He early began to serve as moderator of the town 
meeting, a position which he filled many times during 
his life. His advice was often sought, his judgment was 
highly respected, and he was assigned a place on nearly 
every committee of importance having to do with public 
affairs. He gave hearty support to the resolutions con- 
demning the Stamp Act and the Boston Port Bill, and 

[64] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

was outspoken in his defence of the rights of the col- 
onies. 

On We(hiesday, October fifth, 1774, the General As- 
sembly had been called by Governor Gage to meet at 
Salem, but had been ordered dispersed before the time 
of meeting, the Governor having become alarmed at the 
belligerent state of the province. Notwithstanding the 
objections of His Excellency, the members, to the num- 
ber of eighty, met at the Court House, and waited all 
day for the Governor to appear and administer to them 
the oath of office. The next day there followed what has 
been referred to before, the choice of John Hancock as 
their chairman, w^ith Benjamin Lincoln, of Hingham, 
as clerk, the adoption of resolutions of protest at the ac- 
tion of the Governor, and the resolving themselves into a 

•"•Provincial Congress, to be joined by such other persons as have 
been or shall be chosen for that purpose, to take into consideration 
the dangerous and alarming situation of publick affairs in this Prov- 
ince, and to consult and determine on such measures as they shall 
judge will tend to promote the true interest of his Majesty, in the 
peace, welfare, and prosperity of the Province." 

The next day the list of members legally elected was 
brought forward, and Mr. Hancock and Mr. Lincoln 
were elected president and secretary of the Provincial 
Congress. Captain John Mansfield w^as a delegate to 
the General Assembly from Lynn, together with his 
friend and neighbor, Ebenezer Burrill, Esq., the town 
clerk. These two men were present at the Court House 
in Salem, and later joined their fortunes with the new 
Provincial Congress, following it to Concord when it 
adjouriicd to that place. Captain Mansfiehl's asso- 

[65] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

ciates are worthy of mention. Besides John Hancock, 
whose name was soon to head the most important docu- 
ment ever written in the New Worhl, there was Samuel 
Adams, upon whose head, with that of Hancock, the king 
was soon to set a price; John Adams, statesman and fut- 
ure President; Dr. Joseph Warren, whose life was to 
be given for his country at Bunker Hill ; Elbridge Gerry, 
who was to sign the Declaration of Independence; Will- 
iam Prescott a Pepperell farmer, whose name was to be- 
come immortalized in a few months; Artemas Ward of 
Shrewsbury, who was to assume the first command of the 
new army; Seth Pomeroy of Northamj^ton, Ebenezer 
Learned of Oxford, and Benjamin Lincoln of Hingham, 
who were soon to be appointed to high office in the army 
of George Washington. With many of these men Captain 
Mansfield had a personal acquaintance. His attention 
to business made him valued by his associates, and his 
firm stand against the king marked him as a pronounced 
"rebel." 

On December the seventh John Adams, Samuel Adams, 
and Colonel Danielson were appointed a committee to 
bring in a resolve relative to taking the number of inhab- 
itants and the quantity of exports and imports, of mer- 
chandise, and of the manufactures of all kinds in the 
colony, the information being for the benefit of the Mas- 
sachusetts delegates in the Continental Congress. The 
resolve was passed, and a committee consisting of one 
from each county was appointed, Captain Mansfield 
being named as the member from Essex County. He 
was also chosen by Lynn as her delegate to the next 
session of the Provincial Congress, to be held in Feb- 
ruary. 

[66] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

When the Provincial Congress practically disbanded 
the militia and ordered the formation of minute com- 
panies, Captain Mansfield met with forty-nine officers 
of the First Essex County Regiment, February thirteenth, 
1775, at the house of Mr. Francis Symonds at Danvers, 
where the following officers were chosen : Captain Timo- 
thy Pickering, Jr., colonel; Captain John Mansfield, 
first lieutenant-colonel; Captain Henry Herrick, of Bev- 
erly, second lieutenant-colonel; Dr. Samuel Hoi ton, of 
Danvers, first major; Captain Archealus Fuller, of Mid- 
dleton, second major. This record w^as attested by 
Ebenezer Francis as clerk. The distinguished honor 
paid the Lynn captain can better be appreciated when 
we consider a little further the men who were his asso- 
ciate officers. Colonel Timothy Pickering, one of the 
most noted men in Salem at that time, became a mem- 
ber of the cabinet of George Washington; Dr. Samuel 
Holton, of Danvers, the close friend of x\dams, Hancock, 
and Washington, became for five years a member of the 
Continental Congress, and as judge and patriot held 
])ositions of high honor and trust; Ebenezer Francis, 
afterward colonel, fell at the head of his regiment in the 
impetuous fight at Hubbardton, while resisting the ad- 
vance of Burgoyne. In the company of these men, it 
can hardly be supposed that Colonel Mansfield lost any 
of his martial spirit, fostered by his long experience in 
the old French War and association with the militia. 

After his election as lieutenant-colonel he still contin- 
ued to divide his time between his regiment and 
Congress, being present at the last session of the latter 
memorable body before the battle of Lexington, Colonel 
Mansfield was in Lynn on the morning of the nineteenth 

[ 67 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

of A})ril, and early received news of the march of the Brit- 
ish to Concord. Possibly from the very fact that the 
object of the regulars was in part to capture the presi- 
dent of the Congress in which he had sat within five 
days, Colonel Mansfield used every effort to bring out 
the minute-men. After seeing his neighbor, Captain 
William Farrington, safely off with his company, he has- 
tened to Salem to help to arouse the officers of his regi- 
ment. Having performed this duty, he hurried on to 
Menotomy, arriving just in time to see the last of the 
British retreating towards Boston. He followed them 
down to Cambridge, where he spent the night. The 
next day the first council of war in the Revolution was 
called, and Colonel Mansfield had the honor to be in- 
vited to sit in it, which he did in company with Generals 
Ward, Heath, and Wlietcomb, and Colonels Frye, James 
Prescott, William Prescott, Bullard, Spaulding, Bridge, 
Barrett, Nixon, Whitney, Wheelock, and Mann. This 
body recommended to the Provincial Congress the for- 
mation of an army, and on the first of May Colonel Tim- 
othy Pickering wrote the Committee of Safety, recom- 
mending Lieutenant-Colonel Mansfield as colonel in a regi- 
ment to be raised in Salem and vicinity. His standing 
was excellent. He was at once engaged, and, returning 
home, set about raising a regiment in compliance with 
the terms of his appointment. He first turned his atten- 
tion to the company then in service in Lynn commanded 
by his friend. Captain Ezra Newhall. He soon secured 
the enlistment of not only the captain, but nearly all of 
the members of the company. In Salem he organized 
companies under the command of Captains Thomas 
Barnes, Addison Richardson, and Nathan Brown; in 

[ 68 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

Danvcrs under Captains Enoch Putnam and Asa Prince; 
in Beverly under command of Captains Ebenezer Francis 
and Jolin Low; and in Mancliester under command of 
Captain Benjamin Kimball. Having thus mustered ten 
full companies, he reported to the Provincial Congress, 
May twenty-seventh, that his regiment was in "good 
forwardness," and a recommendation was adopted that 
the regiment be commissioned accordingly. The regi- 
ment was made up as follows: — 



Israel Hutfhinson, Lieutenant-Colonel. 
Ezra Putnam, Major. 

Captains. Lieutenants. 

Ezra Newhall, 
Enoch Putnam, 
Ebenezer Francis, 
Asa Prince, 
Benjamin Kimball, 
Lhomas Barnes, 
Addison Richardson, 
John Low, 
(iideon Foster, 
Nathan Brown. 



Zadock Buffington, 
John Dodge, 
James Bancroft, 
John Upton, 
Job Wliipple, 
Nathaniel Cleaves, 
Francis Cox, 
Stephen Wilkins, 
Bill. Porter, 
Ephraim Emerson. 



Ensigns. 
John Pierce, 
Benjamin Crat, 
James Matthews, 
Grimes Tufts, 
Benjamin Gardner, 
Joseph Herrick, 
Frederick Breed, 
Archealus Bachelor, 
Harfail White, 
Thomas Downinc:. 



On the twenty-seventh of May it was "Ordered, that 
Commissions be delivered to the officers. Lieutenants 
and Ensigns of Colonel Mansfield's regiment, agreeable 
to the above list." 

The regiment at this time was in camp at Cambridge. 
On May the twenty-fifth Colonel Mansfield was the officer 
of the day in the American camp. On June the third he 
was again officer of the day, when the })arole was "Mar- 
blehead" and the countersign "Lynn." On the eleventh 

[ 69 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

of June, six days before the battle of Bunker Hill, he was 
for the third time officer of the day. Not to give the 
story of the battle, it is sufficient to say that it was an un- 
expected engagement, and that little preparation had 
been made for a contest. General Ward, when informed 
early in the morning that the new fortifications were 
under fire, refused to weaken his army by sending re- 
enforcements. As the day progressed, however, he was 
brought to a realizing sense of the situation, and sent 
men to the scene, but too late. At about three o'clock 
in the afternoon General Ward despatched the Nine- 
teenth Regiment, commanded by Colonel Mansfield, to 
reinforce General Israel Putnam and Colonel Prescott. 
At this time everything was in an uproar, and the utmost 
confusion prevailed. The terrific fire from the British 
men-of-war swept Charlestown Neck, a hand-to-hand 
fight was in progress on Breed's Hill, and Charlestown 
was in flames. Some regiments were advancing, others 
halting, others retreating. Major Scarborough Gridley 
had been ordered with his artillery to advance, but, 
after reaching Cobble Hill, he decided to halt and cover 
the retreat which he thought to be inevitable. Colonel 
Mansfield at this time came up with his regiment, and 
was ordered by Major Gridley to halt and support him. 
Here was made the fatal mistake of Colonel Mansfield, 
for he disobeyed the orders previously given him, took 
those of an inferior officer, and halted his regiment. 
Thus, in sight of the battle, the Lynn men under Cap- 
tain Ezra Newhall stood still until about five o'clock, 
when the conflict ended. 

That night Colonel Mansfield's regiment lay upon its 
arms at Winter Hill, expecting a continuance of the at- 

[70] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

tack on Sunday morning, but tlic British had met with 
such severe losses that they did not care to renew the 
battle. Colonel Mansfield was field officer of the day 
on the eighteenth, and on the twenty-third his regiment 
was ordered to encamp on Prospect Hill. On the thir- 
tieth of June the Provincial Congress ordered the com- 
mission as colonel to be delivered to Colonel John Mans- 
field, to date from May nineteenth. On the fourth of 
July he was present in Cambridge, and met General 
Washington, who on the day before had taken command 
of the army, and who on the next day detailed him as 
officer of the day. Soon after. Colonel Mansfield was 
ordered to make a return of his regiment, which he did, 
showing 399 officers and men effective, twenty-six sick 
present, twenty-three sick absent, twenty-one on furlough, 
and one on command, 470 in all. On July the eighth he 
was again officer of the day, and on July the twenty-sec- 
ond General Washington ordered the army formed into 
brigades, and Colonel Mansfield's regiment, together 
with that of John Stark, was placed under the command 
of General John Sullivan, and posted on Winter Hill. 
During this time a part of his regiment was employed 
in making bricks for the army. 

In the early part of August, jealousy and bad feeling 
developed among his men, gradually increasing until 
three of his officers went to General Washington and 
accused Colonel Mansfield of cowardice in the engage- 
ment of June seventeenth. Two months after the battle, 
therefore, on the thirteenth of August, 1775, the follow- 
ing entry appears in the orderly book of the Commander- 
in-Chief: — 

[71] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

"A general court martial to sit to-morrow to try Col. John Mans- 
field, of the Massachusetts forces, accused by three of his officers of 
high crimes and misdemeanors. One Brig. Genl. and twelve field 
officers to compose the court." 

The following members were appointed: president, 
Brigadier-General Nathanael Greene; members, Colonel 
James Reed, Colonel Varnum, Colonel Patterson, Colo- 
nel Woodbridge, Lieutenant-Colonel Wyman, Lieuten- 
ant-Colonel Marsh, Lieutenant- Colonel Miller, Major 
Cudworth, Major Buttrick, Major Sawyer, and Major 
Angell. 

It is unfortunate for history and justice that no record 
of the trial has been preserved. The only light bearing 
upon it appears in a diary kept by Benjamin Crafts, 
second lieutenant of Captain Kimball's company. The 
observations made by him appear prejudiced, and his 
own action at the time does not heighten respect for him, 
inasmuch as he made a request soon after to General 
Washington to be allowed to resign his commission. He 
gave as an excuse that the seacoast was unprotected, and 
that he had a family in Manchester. General Washington 
granted his request, and the brave lieutenant returned 
to his home. His diary reads as follows: — 

'"Sunday, August 13, 1775. This day our Col. Mansfield was 
confined & a court martial ordered of twelve officers, Gen. Greene 
being Prest. 

"Wednesday, Sept. 6. It is said that Col. Mansfield is to have his 
trial to-day. Col. Mansfield not tried. 

"Thursday, Sept. 7. This morning was notified to attend a court 
martial as evidence in the case of Col. Mansfield. 

"Friday, Sept. 8. All the officers went to Cambridge as witnesses 

[72] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

in tlu' case of Col. Mansfield. The court was opened, the officers 
sworn, & the Lieut. Col. (Israel Hutchinson) and all Ihe (•aj)tains 
examined and gave in their evidence and the court adjourned until 
Wednesday next. Col. Mansfield had a trying time and I also 
believe he will find it a breaking time. We returned from court just 
l)efore night. 

"Wednesday, Sept. 13. After breakfast went to see the end of 
Col. Mansfield's court martial. All the lieutenants gave in their 
evidence nuich alike, with the exception of Lieut. Breed [Frederick 
Breed, of Lynn], his evidence being nothing more nor less than Col. 
Mansfield's own story, which he had learnt from him I suppose, one 
of the colonel's own scholars. To me this was surprising strange. 
But I suppose neither master or scholar had any foundation for their 
support, and believe what they both said will fail and they meet the 
contempt they justly deserve." 

On September fifteenth the court-martial handed in 
its findings, and the following appears in the orders of 
the day: — 

"Col. John Mansfield, of the nineteenth regiment of foot, tried at 
a general court martial, whereof Brig. Gen. Greene was president, 
for remissness and backwardness in the execution of his duty at the 
late engagement on Bunker's Hill. The court found the prisoner 
guilty of the forty-ninth article of the Rules and Regulations of the 
Massachusetts army, and therefore sentence him to be cashiered, 
and rendered unfit to serve in the Continental army. The General 
[(ieorge Washington] approves the sentence and directs it to take 
effect immediately." 

At about this time Colonels James Scamman, Ebe- 
nezer Bridge, and Samuel Gerrish, together with IVIajor 
Scarborough Gridley, were tried for similar oflPences. 
Colonel Scamman was acquitted, although he had halted 

[73] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

his regiment near that of Colonel Mansfield. His plea 
was that he had misunderstood orders. Colonel Bridge 
pleaded sickness, and was acquitted. Colonel Gerrish 
was found guilty, as was also Major Gridley. The latter 
was the young artillery officer who gave the order to 
Colonel Mansfield to halt, and for which offence he was 
so severely dealt with. Major Gridley was the son of 
Colonel Richard Gridley, however, and parental influ- 
ence soon placed him back in the army again. 

Pending the result of his trial, Colonel Mansfield was 
detailed on the main and picket guard August twenty- 
fourth, thirtieth, and September fifth. Upon his dis- 
missal from the army he returned to Lynn, bowed 
down by the sentence and feeling that he had been used 
unfairly. The townspeople evidently did not believe 
the stories of cowardice which had been advanced, for 
they proceeded to honor him in every possible way. In 
March, 1776, he was chosen a member of the Commit- 
tee of Correspondence, Inspection, and Safety, which 
important position he filled in 1778, 1780, 1781, 1782, 
and 1783, until the treaty of peace. He served as mod- 
erator of the town meetings during almost the entire 
period of the war, and was active in raising the various 
quotas of men sent into the Continental Army. He at- 
tended to providing for the families of soldiers away in 
the army, and in many other ways exhibited his devo- 
tion to the patriot cause. In 1785 he was elected town 
treasurer, but declined to accept. His last public ap- 
pearance was on the fourteenth of May, 1792, when at 
the age of seventy-one he acted as inoderator of the town 
meeting. 

Colonel Mansfield was a courtly gentleman of the old 

[74 ] 



4- -'^^^ ■ 







GRAVESTONE OF COLONEL JOHN MANSFIELD 




GRAVESTONE OF COLONEL JOHN FLAGG 



Lynn in the Revolution 

school, tall and dignified in appearance, and with a gait 
and manner so noticeable as to be called the "Mansfield 
swing." Always a stanch supporter and constant at- 
tendant of the old First Church, he remained steadfast 
to the faith when most of the members, including Deacons 
Theophilus Hallowell and William Farrington, joined 
the new^ society of Methodists, wdiicli made its ap- 
pearance in Lynn in 1791. He, however, was one of 
the five male members who refused to join the new 
movement. 

The last days of the old colonel were spent quietly 
in the midst of his large family, yet during the remainder 
of his long life he felt severely the disgrace of his dismissal 
from the army, even though popular sentiment had as- 
cribed his course to an error of judgment only. Swett, 
the historian of Bunker Hill, says plainly that this was 
the fact, and w^tli such authority bearing upon his con- 
duct we may well give to him the just respect which his 
long life of public service commands. 

The death of Colonel Mansfield occurred April twenty- 
fourth, 1809, at the age of eighty-eight years. His wife 
had died many years before, and their graves, near the 
centre of the Old Western Burial-ground, are marked W'ith 
slate stones which simply note their deaths. There lie 
rests, surrounded by his kin, his neighbors, and his 
fellow'-soldiers. Who can truthfully say that the Ameri- 
can flag should not float above his grave, as it does 
over those of a hundred other soldiers of the Revolu- 
tion who lie buried near him .^ 



[75] 



Chapter VI 

LYNN MEN UNDER CAPTAIN NEWHALL AND 
CAPTAIN KING — THE SIEGE OF BOSTON 

When Colonel Mansfield left his regiment and returned 
to his home in Lynn, the command fell upon Lieutenant- 
Colonel Israel Hutchinson, of Danvers, who as captain 
had served through three campaigns, and who had been 
recommended by Timothy Pickering, Jr., to the Com- 
mittee of Safety as a man suitable and well qualified 
to take second command in the regiment forming in 
Salem and vicinity. Our Lynn men, then, in the com- 
pany of Captain Ezra Newhall, still remained in the neigh- 
borhood of the gathering army at Cambridge. They 
had perhaps been present when Washington arrived to 
take command, and had heard the shouts of the multi- 
tude and the thundering of the artillery which announced 
his coming. Doubtless they had watched him as he 
rode through the camp in the midst of his officers, and had 
felt the thrill of admiration which his commanding pres- 
ence awakened in all who saw him for the first time. 
There during that first summer and autumn, inactive 
though they were for the most part, they came in contact 
with some of the men whose names were to become great 
in the annals of their country. Closely associated with 
Washington, they constantly saw his officers, Greene, 
Sullivan, Stark, Arnold, Knox, Heath, Thomas, Ward, 
Wooster, and Putnam, New England men who became 

[ 7« 1 



Lynn in the Revolution 

leaders in the army. Besides these there was Daniel 
Morgan, of Virginia, whose exciting career has been com- 
pared with that of Stark, of New Hampshire. The men 
of Lynn were also, })erhaps, brought under the spell 
which the traitorous Charles Lee seemed to weave about 
the soldiers at the beginning, for he was often seen in the 
encampments with his dogs, and, fascinating because of 
his eccentricities and his experience in foreign warfare, 
was the subject of much speculation and talk in the camp. 
Horatio Gates, too, was there, not yet entered upon the 
career wdiich was to add so greatly to the worry and care 
of the great Commander-in-Chief. 

Benedict Arnold, made colonel that summer, began 
in September his brave and perilous expedition to Quebec, 
with the object of forming a junction with Schuyler and 
Montgomery, and of winning for the American cause 
the sympathy and help of the Canadians. It was an 
expedition which suited his impetuous, adventurous 
spirit, and how bravely he carried it through and how 
nearly successful was the attempt to capture Quebec, 
the great stronghold of the North, is a matter of history. 
It was on the fourteenth of September that this brave 
and enthusiastic band passed through Lynn on its way 
to Newburyport, the point of embarkation for the Kenne- 
bec, whence they were to proceed through the northern 
wilderness. Those living on old Boston Street at that 
time were treated to a rare and interesting spectacle, for 
it has been truly said that the flower of the colonial youth 
was in the detachment which marched over the County 
Road. Every man was a volunteer, and had enlisted 
eagerly in the enterprise. Arnold himself, detained by 
Washington in Cambridge until the next day, was not 

[77] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

at the head of the column, as might have been expected, 
but Lieutenant-Colonel Roger Enos, of Vermont, and 
Major Jonathan Meigs led one battalion, while Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Christopher Greene and Major Timothy 
Bigelow commanded the other. Morgan was there, and 
several young captains, who in spite of their youth had 
seen some service, marched with their companies, as did 
also a few commissioned volunteers, mere striplings, 
among whom was Aaron Burr, then only nineteen years 
of age. Some eleven hundred men in all, they passed 
through the town, and camped that night at Beverly, 
Danvers, and Salem. We look in vain for the names 
of Lynn men among their rolls, and must conclude that 
Captain Newhall's company, with possibly that of Daniel 
Galeucia and the seacoast guards, contained all of the 
Lynn men then in service for America. 

Soon after the battle of Bunker Hill, it was thought 
advisable to guard the seacoast of Essex County, inas- 
much as it was feared that the British might devastate it. 
Accordingly, a resolve was passed by the Provincial Con- 
gress on the twenty-eighth of June, providing that the 
companies be immediately raised in such manner and 
proportions as should be agreed upon by a joint com- 
mittee to be appointed by Congress, consisting of one 
member from each of the towns of Lynn, Manchester, 
Gloucester, Marblehead, Salem, Beverly, Ipswich, New- 
bury, Newburyport, and Salisbury. Mr. Edward John- 
son was appointed the member of the committee from 
Lynn, and, the companies being duly organized, one was 
stationed at Salem and Lynn, and placed in command 
of Captain Samuel King, of Salem. This company con- 
tinued in service for six months, or until the war moved 

[78] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

southward. In the roll of the company there are some 
twenty-five names which belong with little doubt to men 
from Lynn. 

The story is told of one alarm which reached the town 
during the time when this company was on guard, which 
threw the inhabitants into the greatest excitement, and 
well illustrates the need which was felt of continuous 
defence. Although Mr. Lewis, in relating this inci- 
dent, places it in the year 1776, it is probable that it 
occurred in the summer of 1775, since Mr. Hallowell 
in his journal mentions it as taking place during the six 
months that he was guarding the seacoast and before he 
had joined the Continental Army. The story, as told 
by Mr. Lewis, is interesting, and seems well worth re- 
peating. Told in his own words, it is as follows: — 

"An alarm was made at midnight, that some of the English troops 
had landed on King's beach. In a short time the town was all in 
commotion. Many persons left their houses and fled to the woods. 
Some families threw their plate into the wells, and several sick per- 
sons were removed. Some self-possession, however, was manifested. 
INIr. Frederick Breed, for his exertions in rail vine: the soldiers and 
marching them to Woodend, where he found the alarm to be false, 
received a commission in the army, and afterward rose to the rank 
of cokmel." 

Judge James R. Newhall adds this to the story: — 

"There was a tavern kept in the old house now standing on Fed- 
eral street, corner of Marion, by Increase Newhall. It was an alarm 
station; that is, a place to which, when an alarm occurred, the en- 
rolled men in the district instantly repaired for duty. At this King's 
beach alarm, it is said that the officer whose duty it was to take com- 
mand, did not appear, and after the soldiers returned, all safe, he 

[79] 



Lynn in the Revolution 



emerged from the oven, in which, panic-stricken, he had concealed 
himself." 

Mr. Hallowell, referring to his connection with the 
affair, says: — 

"Myself and many others, under the command of Fredk. Breed' 
all under arms, set off to meet them But proved a false report and 
said Breed was so active got recommended and was commissioned 
as 2nd Lieut, and was in the campaign of 1776." 

The roll of Captain King's men is as follows : — 

"Captain Samuel King's company, stationed at Salem and Lynn 
for defence of seacoast from July 11, 1775 to June 1776, 6 months, 
five davs. 



" Samuel King, Captain 
Harris Chadwell, Lieut. 1st. 
Edward Johnson, 2nd. Lieut. 
John Worden, Sergt. 
Daniel Cheever, Sergt. 
Henry Roby, Sergt. 
John Burrill, Sergt. 
Benj. Cox, Jr. Corporal 
Nathl. Knight, Corporal 
Ralph Lindsey, Corporal 
Wm. Johnson, Corporal 
Wm. Mansfield, Fifer 
Nicholas Lampress, Drummer 
Benj. Cook, Jr. 
John ISIeek 
John Horton 
Benj. Larrabee 
George West, Jr. 



Joshua Pierce 
David Garrett, Jr. 
Jos. Mackintire 
Jona. Felt 
Thos. Chittenden 
John Farrington 
Henry Hallowell 
John Hunt 
Samuel Hallowell 
Henry Lankaster 
Samuel Mansfield 
Ralph Merry 
Solomon Newhall 
Nathaniel Newhall 
Daniel A. B. Newhall 
Robert Felt 
Richard Pappoon 
Marstin Parrolt 



[80] 




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Lynn in the Revolution 

Jacob ("alchvell John l*roctor 

Jos. Birnett Thomas Rol)y 

Nathl. Brookhouse Wilham Tarhox 

John Osgood James 'I'iHon 

Benj. Putnam, Jr. Benj. Cox, Srd 

John (i arret t Henrv Cutler" 
Jona. Harlow 



Meantime tlie main body, with its line of encamp- 
ments surrounding Boston, was being strengthened as 
nuicli as possible by Washington, who was not able as 
yet, to do more than keep the British imprisoned in the 
town. He had men enough, perhaps, to make an attack, 
but the woeful lack of arms and powder, and, as w^ inter 
came on, of even clothing, were wants which it seemed 
absolutely necessary to supply before he could hope to 
accomplish much with his undisciplined and sometimes 
unruly troops. The lack of powder even his ow^n troops 
scarcely realized, and Congress, with its as yet limited 
powers, seemed helpless to supply what he so insistently 
urged. Thus the summer wore on. October found 
General Gage recalled to England and General Howe 
in command at Boston. Washington with his little 
navy would have gladly imprisoned the British ships in 
the harbor, as Josiah Quincy wished him to do, if some 
one could have furnished him with the cannon and 
powder, but he vras obliged to wait. The end of the year 
saw many of the enlistments run out. Indeed, the 
Rhode Island and Connecticut troops refused to prolong 
theirs, and, but for the prompt coming forward of men 
from NeW' Hampshire and Massachusetts to make u]) 
the loss, the army must have been greatly weakened. 

[81] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

At this time, too, it seemed necessary that many of the 
men be allowed to go home on furlough in order that 
they might make arrangements for their families during 
the winter. The Lynn company on the first of January, 
1776, almost to a man, re-enlisted in Captain Newhall's 
company, now under Colonel Israel Hutchinson. Our 
men had occupied successively positions on Winter Hill, 
Powder Hill, Prospect Hill, and now, with the left wing 
of the army pushed forward to Cobble Hill in Somerville, 
they were watching the enemy at close range. Within 
a short time, the cannon and munitions of war, which had 
been captured by Allen and Arnold at Ticonderoga in 
the summer, arrived at Cambridge, brought in by General 
Knox, who had been sent for them, and, though small 
arms were still greatly needed, the train of fifty large 
pieces which came in greatly encouraged the army. 
The situation of the enemy in Boston, reduced to actual 
suffering through lack of provisions, besides being men- 
aced by the dread small-pox which had broken out in 
the town, made it appear that the prudent ones were 
right in their opinion that eventually the British would 
be obliged to evacuate Boston, without its being neces- 
sary to either attack the town or destroy it, as Congress 
had authorized Washington to do, if necessary. On the 
first of March, to the joy of all, powder arrived, and, 
three days later Washington began his bombardment. 
The Lynn company had by this time been stationed at 
Roxbury under General Thomas, and was with him when 
he quietly moved forward under cover of Washington's 
bombardment toward Dorchester Heights. There on 
the night of the fourth and fifth of March, 1776, with 
spades and crowbars, with timbers and bales of hay, 

[82] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

they helped to throw up the fortifications which met the 
eyes of General Howe on the morning of the fifth. Both 
the armies then laid their plans for battle, but no battle 
was needed. A long storm hindered the movements of 
the British, while the Americans worked on streng-theninir 
their defences. The light of another day showed to the 
British commander a position too strong for him to at- 
tack, and there only remained for him — evacuation. On 
the morning of the seventeenth all preliminaries had been 
made, and by nine o'clock the last of his boats had sailed 
out of the harbor. Ten days they lay in Nantasket 
Roads, and then set sail for Halifax. 

Captain Newhall's company continued in the service 
to- the end of this siege, which is set down in our histories 
as the Siege of Boston. 



[83] 



Chapter VII 

THE MARCH TO NEW YORK AND ACROSS 
THE JERSEYS WITH WASHINGTON 

American troops had at last succeeded in recovering 
what was their own. Boston was once more occupied by 
New Englanders, though it was a depleted and bedraggled 
town of which they had come into possession. Our Essex 
County regiment, with Colonel Hutchinson command- 
ing, had taken up quarters in barracks lately occupied 
by British soldiers, and our men of Captain Newhall's 
company remained in and about Boston for many weeks. 
Some arms and small articles had been left by the British 
in their haste in embarking, and it was a common thing 
for our farmer soldiers to search for keepsakes and small 
treasures among the debris. Mr. Hallowell makes men- 
tion of this in his journal, saying, " One time I made a 
search in their cabins to see what I could find and found 
one silver dollar and two others were found by my nuite." 
He speaks also of the ruin which had been wrought at 
the old State House and of the fact that the pew^s in one 
meeting-house had been taken up and the place used to 
train horses in, — a fact which is familiar enough to us, 
perhaps, having been often repeated in connection with 
the history of the Old South Church, but which comes 
with a new sense of reality as we read it in the faded 
handwriting of one of the sons of old Lynn. We are 
enabled, too, to realize a little more fully the feeling of 
vengeance which the presence of the few lingering British 

[84] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

ships, lying in Nantasket Roads, awakened in the breasts 
of the men who were now on the lookout from the harbor, 
when he tells us in his journal that their general sent 
hundreds of men in the night, in flat-bottomed boats, to 
drive the intruders off, and that they lay in readiness until 
daybreak, and then fired upon the British ships, cutting 
their rigging and finally obliging them to move away. 
He ends the quaint account with the words, "This I 
saw." 

The triumph in coming once more into jiossession of 
Boston was the last which the Continental Army was to 
experience for a long time. Arnold's expedition, under- 
taken with such courage and determination, had failed, 
and the long months in the bitter cold of a Canadian 
winter had brought terrible hardships not only to Arnold's 
men, but to those of Schuyler and Montgomery. The 
small-pox, which in those days wrought such havoc, had 
caused the loss of many men, and the death of General 
Montgomery at Quebec, in battle, and of General 
Thomas in the early summer, from the prevailing disease, 
were alone sufficient to dishearten the stoutest hearts. 
Thus the northern army had been gradually pushed back 
to the head of Lake Champlain, and both the British and 
the American army seemed to look toward the Hudson 
as the next coveted possession. Indeed, Washington, 
leaving General Ward in command at Boston, with 
Colonel Gridley to look out for the coast defences, had 
marched soon after its evacuation, with the main body of 
his army, for New York. But it was not until the first 
of August, probably, that Colonel Hutchinson's regiment 
followed, for Mr. William Tarbox, who was in Captain 
XewhaH's Lynn company, tells us that his regiment 

[85] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

marched on that date to reinforce Washington. Before 
it reached its destination, however, the battle of Long 
Island had been fought and Washington's army had 
moved up the Hudson. Mr. Hallowell adds another 
fact which helps us to trace the footsteps of the Lynn men, 
namely, that they marched to Norwich and then proceeded 
by water to New York, where they stayed one night, going 
on from thence to Fort Independence, and from that 
place to Fort Washington. They had reached Harlem 
Heights just too late to take part in the battle, and not 
until they reached Fort Washington were they destined 
to meet their first encounter with the enemy. To gain 
any clear idea of the battle which took place at this point, 
we must look in the carefully compiled accounts which 
have been given. There are, however, for us one or 
two interesting incidents related by our own men, not 
found in the written records. We are told that, while 
the regiment lay at Fort Washington, the plans of the fort 
were lost, and that a black waiter to the engineer was 
suspected of having stolen them. This man was put 
under guard and sentenced to be whipped every day until 
he confessed. But the man never confessed, although the 
grass was wet with his blood as he lay stretched upon it 
during his punishment. Whether he had anything to do 
with the theft is not known. The man who conveyed 
the plans to the enemy, however, was later found to be 
William Demont, the adjutant of Colonel Magaw who 
commanded at Fort Washington. To this act of treason, 
perhaps, more than to anything else, was due the success 
which General Howe had in taking the fort. The man 
boasted of what he had done years after, in a letter dated 
at London, in which he said that he had sacrificed all 

[ 86 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

that he was worth in the w^orld to the service of his king 
and country, and that by the plans of Fort Washington 
W'hich he was enabled to bring to Lord Percy the fortress 
was taken. 

It w^as a most disastrous battle for the American army, 
already discouraged by continued reverses, and the loss 
of twenty-seven hundred of its best men, taken prisoners, 
made its cause appear to many already lost. Fortunately 
for Captain Newhall's company, a part of it, perhaps the 
larger part, was stationed across the river, at Fort Lee, 
when the engagement at Fort Washington took place, 
and consequently only thirteen of its men fell into the 
hands of the British. The whole company, how^ever, w^as 
in a position to witness not only what Fiske calls "the 
woeful surrender" of the fort, but the cruelties of the 
Hessian troops, w^ho w^ould have turned their victory into 
a w holesale massacre of the prisoners, had they not been 
prevented by their more humane general. 

In Colonel Hutchinson's orderly book are given the 
names of the Lynn men Avho were taken. The entry is 
as foUow^s: — 

" FOARTE Lee November 16, 1776. 
a List of Prisoners taken at foarte Washington that Belong to 
my Rigiment, Capt. Newhale's (Ezra) Compiney." 
Abel Belknap Joseph Lyndsy, Jr. 

Edwin Bowin Brinsly Pebody, Jr. 

Garlan Chamberland John Proctor 

Theophilous Farrinton Solorman Ritcliardson 

Joseph Felte Shadrick Ramsdill 

Peter Harris Benjamin tarbox in all 13." 

Joseph Lye 

From Mr. Hallowell we learn that these men were 

, [ 87 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

taken to New York and kept there six months, and then 
were sent home on parole. 

Following quickly upon the defeat at Fort Washington 
was the abandonment of Fort Lee, and again we turn to 
the narrative of Mr. Hallowell to depict for us the move- 
ments of Colonel Hutchinson's regiment. The men seem 
to have kept together only until after the main body of 
the army had crossed the Hackensack River. Then 
some thirty of them were sent back to bring over the 
guards who had been left. Here it will be interesting 
to follow the story as it is given in Mr. Hallowell's own 
words : — 

"Then we at fort Lee had in great haste to flee and left cannon, 
some clothes and some money, etc. and there being a small river 
northwest of the North river and a bridge over it, before we past 
sd bridge we made a stand to engage them. Myself with others put 
on a second shirt, not knowing But we must throw off our packs in 
an engagement, but thev woukl not advance towards us. Then we 
took up the sd. bridge and went on V)ut our case looked dismul and 
then about thirty of us was sent back in order to save some guards 
if possible that was left some way off when we left the fort. Accord- 
ingly we went down some miles and then with a boat got a part of 
sd. guards across sd. river. I had spoak for a meal of victuls of the 
Inhabitants, being very much wore out, but before I got it we was 
directed by one of our light horse men to flee or we would be cutt 
off. Accordingly about thirty in all took to a swamp and could not 
get through by reason of a running crick. We found a dead man in 
sd. swamp & James Ramsdell, of Lynn, we lost in the swamp. 
But we got to camp again finally. We had to finally come out 
by the place we went in by — then it was candle light and that pes- 
tered us. The enemy was in a large gully and their lights was burn- 
ing. We consulted each the other but very still. Some moved to 
go to them But others said No, But on the whole we movd on and 

[88] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

soon came to a town where part of the British was but very luckily 
we saw a man who was a friend tould what street to take to clear 
them & soon got through the town not taken, and travild on to about 
midnight and Being much Exuasted myself and one more so failed 
we took to a stack of fodder. The others movd on, But the Main 
body was miles ahead and while we lay in sd. stack the enemy light 
horse men as w^e concluded passing by and a great fright it was to 
us for we thought we w^ere gone. But it turned we got to the main 
body that Day, they being halted. Washington and we saw a trying 
scene thus for us all. We soldiers had but little time to eat or sleep. 
One time we borrowed a large iron kittle & put in it about a quarter 
of beef for our camp, while I stood over it. We were soon obliged 
to leave it and it seemed to me as if I for one must starve." 

The retreat of Washington across New Jersey was 
thus fairly l)egun. The first halt, as we know, was at 
Newark, thence Washington pushed on to New Bruns- 
wick, thence to Princeton, and finally to the further side 
of the Delaware. 

Through all the disheartening days when the poor 
remnant of an army w^as retreating before the closely 
pursuing enemy. Captain Newhall's company remained 
near Washington, and was with him when he made his 
daring attack upon Trenton on Christmas Eve. 

The time of enlistment for most of the company was 
out with the end of the year, and but for the brilliant 
victory at Trenton it is probable that all the men in this 
company, as well as many others whose term was now 
closed, would have returned to their homes. As it was, 
however, some re-enlisted at once, remaining at Morris- 
town through the winter. Most of them, however, went 
home in January, and enlisted again in the following 
March. A few — those who had fallen sick — were obliged 

[89] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

to remain for a time in Philadelphia, until they were 
sufficiently recovered to begin the long journey home. 

Thus the year 1776 had ended with a little cheer for 
the cause of liberty. It was a year which was to be 
marked for all time in the annals of America, although 
in its passing it had been filled with so much of anxiety 
and suffering. While Washington had been using every 
means to increase his army, — for he had realized very 
soon that the war was to be a long and tedious one, — the 
Continental Congress had been grappling with the great 
question of independence. The famous body of men, who 
had met in Independence Hall over and over again during 
the year, had debated the question in all its phases, and 
now, at the end of the year, the colonies were no longer 
colonies of Great Britain, but free and independent states. 
The last man who was to affix his name to the immortal 
document declaring this to the world had done so, and 
it only remained to prove that the American people were 
able to maintain the independence which they had so 
boldly declared. It would be of great interest to us if 
we could find, preserved in letter or document of our 
townsmen of Lynn, some writing which would reveal to us 
the sentiment which prevailed among them during this 
memorable time, but letters passed but rarely from hands 
more used to the plough and the sword than the pen, 
and even the town records furnish little more than a hint 
of the stand which was taken by the people as a whole. 
One fact, however, we are able to unmistakably gather 
from the few entries which we find, and that is that the 
town never abated its care for the men whom it was 
sending out to fight in this unequal contest, nor its en- 
deavors to furnish more men when they w^ere needed. 

[1)0] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

On the twenty-fifth of June of that year the Provincial 
Congress had j)assed a resolve, in response to a call for 
troops by the Continental Congress, directing that the 
necessary number of five thousand men (three thousand 
for Canada and two thousand for New York) be imme- 
diately raised from the training band and alarm lists, to 
serve until the first of December, 1776; the forces raised 
in Suffolk, Essex, Middlesex, Hampshire, York, and 
Cumberland Counties to be destined for Canada, and to 
be formed into four battalions of seven hundred and fifty 
men each. At the same time the Continental Congrress 
sent out another call for an addition to the forces des- 
tined for Canada, or the Northern Department, Massa- 
chusetts being requested to furnish at once two regiments 
of fifteen hundred men. The General Court upon this 
resolved further, upon the eleventh of July, to raise two 
regiments by the draft of every twenty-fifth man in the 
training band and alarm lists, exclusive of those already 
raised or to be raised. This was the first draft actually 
made for troops, and the call when it reached Lynn was 
met by the following vote: — 

"July 15, 1776: — Voted that ye town will give Ninety one Pounds 
to those ten men Now to be Raised for the Expedition aGainst 
Caneday, the one half to be drawn out of the Treasury of sd. Town 
and the other half the Town is to be assissed for in the next Town 
Rate. 

"Voted that the Selectmen and Commissioned officers Procure 
guns for those men going to Canaday that Cant Provide for them- 
selves they Giving Secuerty to sd. Selectmen & officers for sd. guns." 

On the twenty-second of July, probably following the 
second call, we find that the amount which the inhabitants 

[91] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

were willing to give was increased somewhat, the vote 
taken being as follows: "Voted that the town will pay 
to Each Soldier going to ye service to Canaday the sum 
of ten pounds to be raised as indicated." And, later still, 
the sum was again increased by a vote to 

" allow five pounds to each of those ten soldiers now to be raised as 
a further addition to what was voted at the last meeting and also 
voted if it be thought best by the selectmen and field officers to raise 
a eleventh man that there be a further addition of five pounds for 
sd. man and also voted the money to be drawn out of the treasury." 

One entry only have we been able to find which seems 
to conclusively refer to the subject of independence. 
This was recorded on May the twenty-first, 1776, when it 
was "Voted that this town will agree to Abide By any 
Mesurs that the Continental Congress Shall think Best 
to Imbrace for the good of the Continant." 

Thus far, as will be seen, we have only attempted to 
follow the movements of one company, — the one which 
we know to have been made up entirely of Lynn men. 
It has been impossible to find the roll of this company, 
but from pension claims and individual records we are 
enabled to give the following incomplete list of its mem- 
bership: — 

Ezra Newhall, Captain *Solomon Richardson 

Frederick Breed, Lieutenant *Joseph Lye 

*Abel Belknap William Tarbox 

*Edward Bowen f Ephraim Twist 

fBenjamin Bowden ^Joseph Felt 

Francis Bowden ^Joseph Lindsey, Jr. 

*Garland Chamberlain *Brinsley Peabody, Jr. 
* Captured. tDied. 

[92] 



Lynn in the Revolution 



Stcplion Cojitcs 
William Coates 
Joshua Daiiforlh 

*Tlic()philus Karriuglon 
Charles Floroiuc 
Thomas Florence 

*Petcr Harris 

tRalj)h Lindscy 
James Ramsdell 

*Sha(lracli Ramsdell 
James Robinson 
Ebenezer Richardson 



*John IVoclor 
*Benjamin 'J'arbox 

John Swain 
fDavid Newman 

John Baker 

Israel Cheever 

Nathaniel Tarbox, Jr. 

David Lewis 

Daniel Lindsey 

Joseph Richards 

Ezekiel Howard 



Besides the a})ove, who were in the New York eaiiipaign 
aiul the retreat across the Jerseys, it is certain that other 
men from Lynn were performing active service in tlie 
army during the year, notably in the struggle for the 
control of the important posts on the upper waters of 
the Hudson, to which reference has been made, — a strug- 
gle which was renewed during the summer, but which 
resulted in little that year. 

The names of a few Lynn men have been found who 
were in Colonel Henry Knox's regiment of artillery at 
White Plains. A few" marched under Captain John 
Pool, of Saugus, in Colonel Coggswell's Ipswich regi- 
ment, to a place called the "Saw Pitts," near the city 
of New York, there being engaged in scouring the w^oods. 
These men finally arrived at White Plains on the thir- 
tieth of October, just after the battle had closed, and 
from thence took up their march to North Castle, where 
they joined Washington. The regiment, however, did 
not go down to Fort Washington with the Commander- 

* Captured. fDied. 

[9S] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

ill-Chief, but remained at North Castle until the end of 
the year, consequently being under General Charles 
Lee during: all the time that he was in command at that 
place and plotting to supplant Washington. During a 
part of this time, also. Colonel John Glover's brigade 
was at North Castle, and in at least one of his companies, 
that of Captain Pollard, there were Lynn men who, 
under Glover, joined in the retreat of Washington and 
crossed the Delaware with him in the raging storm on the 
night before the victory at Trenton. 

In other regiments, no doubt, Lynn was represented by 
a few scattering men, while at home the coast-guard, 
during all this time, contained men from this town. We 
may well notice here, too, that while there were a few 
men in the colonies who, like Robert Morris, were giv- 
ing large fortunes to the support of the American army, 
there were many thousands who were contributing their 
little with the same patriotic enthusiasm, not knowing 
whether it would ever be returned to them again. 

One vote which has been recorded in Lynn indicates 
that in this respect, also, the little town was not remiss 
in her duty: — 

"Oct. 1, 1770. It was voted that those men who had advanced 
the money to the soldiers that are gone in the army agreeable to the 
foregoing notification that they be paid their money again by the 
town. And also those men that are gone on their own account in 
the same company receive on an average with the rest from the 
town." 



[94 



Chapter VIII 

LYNN'S PART IN THE BURGOYNE CAMPAIGN 

A FEW words are necessary to describe the state of 
affairs in the early part of 1777, before any attempt is 
made to connect our Lynn men with the great events 
which took place that year. At that time it would have 
been impossible to predict with any dejo^ree of certainty 
the outcome of the struggle upon which the American 
people had entered. The probability of success, looking 
back from our own day, we might be strongly inclined 
to place with the British side. Two years had very nearly 
passed since the opening of active hostilities, and to many 
the end of the contest seemed as far away as ever. It is 
true that the attitude of Great Britain was still one of 
full confidence in her ability to strike a crushing blow 
which should conquer the stubborn rebels who had dared 
to question her power, but thus far the blow had not 
been struck, although the two years had witnessed a 
series of bloody battles in which the British had gener- 
ally been the victors. The object of the contending armies' 
continued to be the possession of the Hudson as the strong 
central point from which, on the one hand, to securely 
hold the colonies together or, on the other, to effectu- 
ally rend them apart. The two years had at least 
taught the British government that the Americans were 
not to be conquered by a handful of British soldiers, 
however brilliantly commanded or thoroughly trained; 
and therefore, when General John Burgoyne laid before 

[95] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

Parliament his plan of sending a new army of fresh troops, 
composed in part of soldiers hired from Germany, to 
combine with those already in America, in one great 
campaign for the possession of the Hudson, it was ac- 
cepted as a wise and brilliant suggestion. 

The plan, in a few words, was to send the new army 
up the St. Lawrence River, through the Sorel, to Lake 
Champlain, and from thence, through the lake, to Albany. 
At the same time Colonel St. Leger with a force of 
British and Indians was to go up the St. Lawrence as far 
as Oswego, and take possession of the forts in the Mo- 
hawk Valley, and then join the army at Albany; while 
Sir William Howe, with his troops from New York, 
should move up the Hudson and form a junction with 
the other two. Before such a combination of forces 
it was thought that no army which America could sum- 
mon would be able to stand. The plan seemed good, 
and on paper, no doubt, looked well, but there proved 
to be serious drawbacks to its fulfillment. In the first 
place, distances in America are long, and there lay be- 
tween Howe's army and the army which was to pro- 
ceed from the north four hundred miles of unfamiliar 
country, which was occupied for the most part not, as 
was supposed, by Tories, who were in sympathy with 
the invaders, but by a sturdy population of intensely 
patriotic yeomen. The Indians, whom it was proposed 
to employ, were cruel, unreliable, and quarrelsome, and 
were destined to give, wherever they served, no end of 
trouble. Besides, Lord George Germain, the secre- 
tary of state for the colonies, who gave explicit directions 
for the movements of the army of the North, went away 
on a holiday, and forgot to send similarly explicit instruc- 

[ 96 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

tions to General Howe in New York. Consequently, 
the plan of combining the British forces was not one to 
be easily carried out. 

In America, before the beginning of this year, Wash- 
ington's plea for longer enlistments had been heeded, 
and Congress had sent out its call for troops which should 
serve for three years or to the close of the war. The 
quota which Massachusetts was asked to furnish was 
fifteen battalions, and the General Court offered a bounty 
of twenty pounds to every soldier and non-commissioned 
officer who should enlist. It w^as, indeed, long before 
the whole number was furnished, and special drafts had 
to be made in order to complete the lists, yet by spring 
there was a goodly number of regiments ready to march 
toward the Hudson. 

Washington still held his strong position at Morris- 
town, General Gates, who had succeeded Sullivan, was 
in command at Ticonderoga, while General Schuyler, 
who was the commander-in-chief of the Northern Army, 
was stationed at Albany. We might expect to find Ar- 
nold near the centre of operations at this time, but he 
was smarting under the ingratitude which Congress had 
shown him, and was in retirement in Connecticut. It 
had been a winter of petty jealousies and intrigues among 
the leaders in the army and in Congress, and, had it not 
been that the bravest and wisest of the leaders were great 
enough and unselfish enough during the summer which 
followed to place their country's need before their own 
ambitions, the outcome of the campaign upon which 
they were entering must have been far other than it 
was. We could pause here to admire the w^isdom and 
nobility of Washington during this trying time, the gen- 

[97] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

erous spirit and true courtliness of Schuyler, and the 
intrepid daring and great ability of Arnold, were not 
our task to follow the path of a few well-nigh forgotten 
men who were under their leadership. 

Among several of the 
Massachusetts rolls for 
1777 we find the names of 
Lynn men. In the early 
part of the year, Lieuten- 
ant-Colonel John Flagg, 
the first military officer for 
the town of Lynn, together 
with other muster-masters, 
had been inducing men to 
join the service for three 
years, and for the first time 
we find our men enlist- 
ing for this long period, — 
some in Colonel Rufus Put- 
nam's Fifth Massachusetts 
Regiment, which marched to 
Peekskill, New York, in the 
early spring, and was sent 
north to Fort Edward in 
June to re-inforce General 
Schuyler; some in Captain Nathaniel Cushing's com- 
pany. Colonel Joseph Vose's First Massachusetts Regi- 
ment of Infantry, which, reorganized and recruited be- 
tween March and May, proceeded to join the main 
army under Washington, halting at Peekskill, where 
Major-General Israel Putnam was in command of the 
Middle Department. General Putnam assigned this 

[98] 




C0L0NP:I. JOHN FLAGG 



Lynn in the Revolution 

regiment on the fifteenth of June to Brigadier-General 
Jedediah Huntington's brigade, and in July transferred 
it to the brigade of Brigadier-General John Gk:)ver. 
Others in March enlisted in Captain Noah Nichols's 
company of artificers, who under Major Ebenezer Ste- 
vens, in General Knox's artillery brigade, marched to 
Ticonderoga. Others still joined Colonel John Crane's 
regiment in June, while Captain Joshua Brown's com- 
pany, Colonel Timothy Bigelow's regiment, also num- 
bered Lynn men on its roll. 

Other regiments, which were mustered in later in the 
year, contained men from Lynn, but those which have 
been mentioned consisted of three years' men, and were 
probably all stationed along the Hudson when General 
Burgoyne began his spectacular movement down Lake 
Champlain in June. 

It is to be regretted that the list of our own men who 
served in this famous campaign cannot now be given 
in its completeness. From the available sources of 
information, however, it has been possible to gather the 
following names of men who went into the service of the 
Continental Army from the town of Lynn during the 
early part of the year 1777. All enlisted for three years, 
and went to the northward. Most of them took part in 
the famous battles of that year, and some at least were 
among those who guarded Burgoyne and his army on 
their way to Cambridge. 

Moses Aborn Ebenezer Burrill 

Samuel Brown Thomas Berry 

James Bancroft Samuel Copp 

Alden Burrill Jerahmiel Daniels 

[99] 



Lynn in the Revolution 



John Adam Dagyr 
John Flinn 
Charles Florence 
Fortune, a negro 
Nathaniel Hitchins 
Jacob Hart 
Ebenezer Hart 
John Hunt 
Henry Hallowell 
James Hall 
Richard Hill 
John Jacobs 
James Larrabee 
Calvin Newhall 
Aaron Nourse 
James Nourse 



Elisha Nichols 

Ezra Newhall (not Col.) 

William Paul 

James Ramsdell 

James Ramsdell, Jr. 

Hartharn Ramsdell 

Ebenezer Stacey 

Enoch Stocker 

James Stocker or Steele 

Benj. Tarbox 

John Tuttle 

Samuel Vial 

Jesse AVhitman 

John Wait 

Henry Young 



Besides the above, the following list is given of men 
not residents of Lynn who enlisted for this town. This 
may have been due to the zeal of the recruiting officer 
to make up his quota, for, as the war progressed, it be- 
came harder to find men who were willing to go far away 
from home on a long term of service. However patriotic 
the people might be at heart, there were the crops to plant 
and harvest, and the going away meant not only danger 
and hardship on the march, but much suffering for the 
families at home. 



Anthony Costekin, for Lynn 
Wm. Cox, Sheepscot, for Lynn 
Thomas Gould, Roxbury, for Lynn 
Peter Sprague, Boston, for Lynn 
Ebenezer McMorfitt, Penobscot, for Lynn 

":j [100] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

Robert Stewart, New Salem, for T^ynn 
Nathan Farr, Penoliscot, for Lynn 
Samuel Flagg, Boston, for Lynn 
Charles, a negro, Kittery, for Lynn 
John Hall, Kittery, for Lynn 
Abra. Wellman, Falmouth, for Lynn 
William Wilks, Boston, for Lvnn 



While we try to picture to ourselves the departure from 
our little community of these men who felt but dimly, 
perhaps, the importance and significance of the great 
contest in which they were engaged, we remember that 
the whole world was looking on that contest with varied 
interest. Just at this time France, wdtli ever-growing 
sympathy for the Americans, was entertaining Franklin 
as her most distinguished guest, and, from being a secret 
ally, was rapidly advancing to the point of openly- espous- 
ing the American cause. Already she had lent some aid, 
but now, under the influence of Franklin, she was con- 
templating the money assistance which was so much 
needed by the new states in order to carry on their war 
for independence. It was just at this time, too, that 
the young Lafayette determined to go to America to meet 
Washington, wdiom he so much admired, and to offer, 
in his enthusiasm, his services and fortune, if necessary^ 

Thus it was to become, in some respects, the greatest 
year of the war, and, although our Lynn men went out 
during this spring, two years after the hurried response to 
the Lexington alarm, with the full expectation of remain- 
ing in the army for three years, it w^ould doubtless have 
lent them an added courage, could they have known that 
the work of that summer was to bring to the high-water 

[101] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

mark the tide of the Revolution, and that, before the year 
shouki close, its ebb would be surely, if slowly, begun. 

To run rapidly over the events as they succeeded each 
other, and to call to mind how far Burgoyne's plan suc- 
ceeded and where it failed, will bring us in touch with 
the work which the Bancrofts, the Burrills, the Newhalls, 
and the Ramsdells were doing after the appearance of 
Burgoyne's magnificently arrayed army on the waters 
of Lake Champlain. 

Burgoyne announced the campaign as begun on the 
thirteenth of June, and a week after that he was on the 
lake. He had with him an army of splendidly trained and 
equipped British and German soldiers besides Canadians 
and Indians. His officers were distinguished men of well- 
known experience, and numbered among them Major- 
General Phillips, Major- General Riedesel, and Brig- 
adier-General Eraser, men who were unexcelled in bra- 
very and devotion to duty. He himself was brilliant, 
courageous, and full of dignity. When on the twenty- 
seventh of June he arrived at Crown Point, he proudly 
announced to his men, "This army must not retreat." 
Ticonderoga, a few miles below, was considered the 
stronghold of the Americans, and against this Burgoyne 
made his first move. At this time General Gates was 
in Philadelphia, in a storm of indignation at having been 
denied the command of the Northern Army, and by in- 
sinuation and intrigue was endeavoring to gain the ap- 
pointment over General Schuyler. General St. Clair, 
therefore, was in command at the fort. The garrison 
was not very strongly manned, yet it is doubtful if it 
could have been easily taken, had it not been that two 
overlooking eminences were left unfortified by the Ameri- 

[102] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

cans. These were seized by the British, and from their 
heights the enemies' guns were trained down upon the 
fort. General St. Clair, realizing that he was caught 
in a trap, tried to slip away quietly with his little army 
at night, but an accident revealed his troops to the enemy 
as they were wending their way through the woods. 
They were immediately pursued, and there followed the 
loss of the American flotilla at Skenesborough and the 
sharj) fight at Hubbardton, where Colonel Ebenezer 
Francis was killed. The result was the occupation of 
Ticonderoga by the British and the retreat of the patriot 
army to Fort Edward, where it joined Schuyler. This 
first victory caused much boasting in the British camp 
and corresponding chagrin on the American side. Blame 
was hurled from all quarters at Schuyler and St. Clair, 
and — although, if any one was to be blamed, it should have 
been Gates, since St. Clair had been in command at 
Ticonderoga scarcely three weeks, — Congress was in- 
clined to believe that, if Gates had been on the spot, the 
result would have been otherwise, and consequently 
gave him the appointment over Schuyler, which he so 
much desired. Schuyler, meantime, believing Fort Ed- 
ward to be untenable, fell back with the army under his 
command toward Albany. He had succeeded in reach- 
ing Stillwater when Burgoyne reached Fort Edward. 
The two main armies were now only a few miles apart. 
But Washington, who in New Jersey w^as quietly w^ait- 
ing for any movement which Sir William Howe might 
make, was no less steadily watching events at the North. 
He now^ ordered General Lincoln to gather as large a 
force as possible in Vermont, and come down upon the 
rear of the invaders. The Green Mountain boys were 

[ 103 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

a force to be reckoned with. Unlettered, shrewd, with 
a Yankee twang pecnliar to themselves, big, hardy fel- 
lows who knew no fear, they flocked to the rescne. The 
Vermont side became full of scouts, and never until the 
soldiers of Burgoyne had been driven from their borders 
did they cease to harass and annoy them, and this in spite 
of the fact that there were many Tories in the district. 
The situation of Burgoyne's army was now becoming 
dangerous. He was far from his base of supplies, and 
little help came from the Tory sympathizers upon whom 
de})endence had been made. Consequently there was 
planned a raid upon Bennington, where the British knew 
that there were stores and supplies of food. The result 
of the great battle which was fought there was a magnifi- 
cent victory for the Americans, and the utter rout of the 
enemy was accomplished by the bravery of Stark and 
Warner at the head of their Green Mountain boys. The 
heavy loss of Burgoyne not only in men killed and taken 
prisoners, but in arms, made it im])erative that speedy 
help should be received from General Howe if the cam- 
paign was to be for the British the success that had been 
anticipated. 

In the meantime, in the same way that Stark had for- 
gotten his personal grievances and rushed to the aid of 
his countrymen at the time when he was most needed, 
Arnold had hurried from Connecticut to the camp of 
General Schuyler, and there heard of the critical situa- 
tion of Fort Stanwix on the Mohawk. The service which 
he there so generously rendered completed the victory 
over St. Leger and the failure of that part of Burgoyne's 
plan. The news of this disaster reached General Bur- 
goyne just after the battle of Bennington, and for three 

[ 104 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

weeks he waited for some word from General Howe. 
During this time tlie two armies were encam])ed on oppo- 
site banks of the Hudson, Burooyne's lines extending from 
Fort Edward down to Battenkill on the east side, and 
Gates's from Stillwater to Albany, some miles further 
south on the west side. At length, with no re-enforce- 
ments from Howe and with men on half-rations, some 
movement by the invading army became absolutely neces- 
sary. The movement was across the river with the idea 
of attacking the strong position of the American army at 
Bemis's Heights. A few^ days later the tw^o armies met, 
and fought the des})erate battle at Freeman's farm, called 
Stillwater, or the first battle of Bemis's Heights, which 
fell just short of a complete defeat of the British arms. 
To effect this, one more battle was necessary, that of 
October the seventh, when the enemy retreated w ith ter- 
rible loss only to find all avenues of escape effectually 
closed. Ten days more, and Burgoyne had signed his 
articles of convention, known as the "Convention of 
Saratoga," and it only remained for the men of his con- 
quered army to lay down their arms at old Fort Hardy, 
and submit themselves as prisoners of war, from thence, 
under guard, to begin their long march to Cambridge. 

In this bare outline of the Burgoyne campaign we 
will endeavor to place the Massachusetts regiments in 
which might have been found the three years' men from 
Lynn. Those in Colonel Rufus Putnam's Fifth Regiment 
belonged to General Nixon's brigade, and, as has been 
stated, w^ent first to Peekskill, New^ York, wdiere General 
Israel Putnam was in command. When this regiment 
started out, our old Lynn captain, Ezra Newhall, marched 
with it, having by tluit time reached the rank of major. 

[105] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

When it reached Worcester, the lieutenant-colonel of 
the regiment, Thomas Farrington, an old soldier of the 
French and Indian War, was cashiered, and Ezra Newhall 
was given his command as lieutenant-colonel. The regi- 
ment, upon reaching Peekskill, was almost immediately 
sent north to reinforce Schuyler at Fort Edward. Mr. 
Hallowell, who tells us that he "waited on Colonel New- 
hall rising two year," gives many interesting incidents 
of his experiences at the North in this regiment, and has 
much to say regarding the cruelty of the Indians. It 
was while the regiment was stationed at Fort Edward 
that the murder of Jennie McCrea took place, and Mr. 
Hallowell says that he witnessed the funeral which was 
held for her and an officer who had also been killed by 
the Indians. This regiment went through the entire 
campaign, and was present at the surrender of Burgoyne, 
accompanying the British prisoners on the afternoon of 
October the seventeenth to Albany. At that place it went 
into winter quarters. General Glover's brigade having 
been appointed to guard the prisoners on the way to 
Boston. 

Colonel Vose's First Massachusetts Regiment, which 
also marched to Peekskill, we find on the fifteenth of 
August at Van Schaick's Island, in the brigade of Brig- 
adier-General Glover. This island, at the mouth of 
the Mohawk River, was not far from the scene of the 
battle of Bennington, which occurred on the sixteenth, 
but we are not sure that our men of this regiment got 
into that famous engagement. Later, however, it is 
certain that they took part in the battles of Stillwater 
and Saratoga. At the latter place the regiment formed 
a part of the right wing of the army, and was stationed 

[106] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

on the hills back of the river. When Arnold made his 
brilliant charge at Freeman's farm, a part of it was 
with him, and consequently could not have been far 
away when he fell wounded at the close of the battle. 
Later the regiment witnessed the surrender, and also 
marched with Glover's brigade to Albany, at which place 
the lot fell to the latter to guard Burgoyne and his 
army to Boston. General Glover in his letters says that 
he sent one division of prisoners, consisting of British 
troops, by way of Northampton, and the other, consisting 
of foreign troops, by way of Springfield, while he him- 
self, accompanying Burgoyne, started the next day. He 
speaks of the great difficulty which he had in getting pro- 
visions and forage for this large army, and says that they 
were obliged to take hay and burn fences on the way. 
Burgoyne, however, by the terms of the convention was 
obliged to pay for the subsistence of his army in hard 
money, and the towns which were damaged on the march 
were later reimbursed. A few words from the British 
side relative to this march under guard may be of inter- 
est here. In Anbury's diary of the march of Burgoyne 
to Cambridge he gives this: — 

"Two days in crossing the Green Mountains. When half over a 
heavy fall of snow came, carts broke down, others stuck and over- 
turned. After passing mountains first came to WilHamstown. Gold 
became in great demand and we often got from 18 to 20 paper dollars 
for a guinea. Went through Worcester and Weston. Rained inces- 
santly from Weston to Prospect Hill. Officers in Mystic, Cambridge 
and Watertown. You will see an old man of 60 and a boy of 16, 
a black and an old decrepit man limping by his side; most of them 
wear great bushy wigs; in short they would be a subject for the 
pencil of Hogarth, but, egad, they are ready enough in presenting 

[ 107 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

their pieces, and if a soldier comes the least near them they level at 
him." 

The arrival of the captured army in the vicinity of 
Boston was about the sixth of November. General 
Heath, in command of the Eastern Department, was at 
his wits' end to find shelter for this great body of men, 
whose presence could be looked upon by the inhabi- 
tants as nothing short of a distinct hardship. It was 
hoped that they could be very soon sent back to Eng- 
land, but in the meantime some provision had to be 
made for them. Besides this there was the necessity of 
additional regiments to guard this large force, and again 
we begin to find against the names of Lynn men the 
words, "Doing guard duty." 

Realizing how impossible it is to do credit to every 
man who served in the above capacity, as it is in any case 
to complete lists of our soldiers, we give as many as we 
are able from the records at hand. The Essex County 
regiment, in which we find most of our men who were 
on duty during the month which followed the arrival of 
the prisoners, was that of Colonel Jacob Gerrish, of New- 
bury, and in a roll made up on the second of February, 
1778, we find in the company of Captain Miles Green- 
wood, of Cambridge, the following men, who were prob- 
ably the first to go into this service:^ 

Captain Miles Greenwood's Company, Colonel Jacob Gek- 
rish's Regiment, from November 11, 1777, to February 2, 
1778. 

Joseph Stocker Ebenezer Brown 

Theophilus Bacheller Abraham Upton 

Jos. Richards James Nichols 

[ 108 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

Benjamin Boardman * Joseph Graves 

Edward Lee (Salem) Epes Mansfield 

*Wm. Cresey *Isaac Patch 

Thomas Newman John Baker 

John Ireson l^t'nj. Boardman 

Nathan AValton Ezra Ncwhall 

Richard Pappoon Burrill Potter (Marhlohead) 

Josiah Rhodes Jos. Felt 

Blaney Lindsey Andrew Newhall 

*Ehenezer Pope Caleb Downing 
Benjamin Mead . Mitchell Nourse (Dan vers) 

Theophilus Burrill Thomas Cheever 

John Collins Timothy Hutchinson 

The roll of the above, dated "Camp at Winter Hill," 
bears out the statement of many of the men who said 
that they guarded the "Hessians," the German troops 
being camped on Winter Hill, wliile the British were at 
Prospect Hill. Their service lasted two months and 
twenty-two days. 

In Captain Simeon Brown's company, in the same regi- 
ment, we find enlisting on the third of February, 

Job Bancroft William Attwill 

Under the date of April the second, 1778, for three 
months and two days' service, there are the following in 
the same company and regiment: — 

Jos. Lindsey Jona. Newhall 

Nathan Mudge Ebenezer Richardson 

Jos. Newhall (Jas. ?) Jesse Rhodes 

Jos. Newhall, Jr. Samuel Sweetser 

Amos Newhall Jona. Bacheller 

* Probably not Lynn men. 

[109] 



Lynn in the Revolution 



John Ireson 
Wm. Attwill 
Moses Hadley 
Epes Mansfield 
Isaac Meachem 
Burrill Potter 
Rufus Brown 
Andrew Newhall 
Timothy Newhall 
John Rhodes 
Daniel Watts 



Samuel Hallowell 

David Dimond 

Wm. Skinner 

Nathl. Stacey 

Thos. Cheever 

Micajah Newhall 

Theophilus Bacheller 

Joseph Stocker 

Abraham Smith 

Joshua Danforth 

Benjamin Bowen (Bowden ?) 



In a company of ten days' guard duty, also under Cap- 
tain Simeon Brown, from July the second to July the 
twelfth, we find:^ 



Theophilus Bacheller 
John Ireson 
Ebenezer Richardson 
Epes Mansfield 
Robert Stone 
Moses Hood 
Benj. Massey 
Wm. Case 
Jonathan Bacheller 
Joshua Howard 
John Anabell 
John Rhodes 
Aaron Boardman 
Daniel Watts 



Nathan Mudge 
Robert Felt 
Samuel Hallowell 
Wm. Skinner 
Jona. Newhall 
Thomas Cheever 
Moses Hadley 
Samuel Sweetser 
Jos. Newhall (Jas ?) 
Timothy Tarbox 
Isaac meecham 
Wm. Attwill 
Wm. Whittemore 
Samuel Boardman 



In July also, in Captain Samuel Huse's company of 
guards, we find the following: — - 

Abram Pewson or Person Theop. Bacheller 

[110] 



i r. 





•I ^t^^^ ^ 






« u — 







\y 



\ 






^i^^: 



is>i 






-,ggjgjfi^SsMiitam 



k_ 



Lynn in the Revolution 

John Ireson Jas. Newhall 

Thomas Mansfiehl John Rhodes 

Daniel Watts Jona. Brown 

John Tuck Thomas Hudson 

Jona. Bacheller John Sweetser 

Isaac Meachem Thomas Florence 

Wm. Skinner Elijah Stocker 

Samuel Sweetser Caleb Harrington 

We have spoken of several of the Massachusetts regi- 
ments in which our Lynn men enlisted for service at the 
North during the early }>art of the year 1777, but after 
the loss of Ticonderoga more troops were sent to rein- 
force the army under Gates, in accordance with a resolve 
passed by the General Court on the ninth of August, 1777, 

"directing that one-sixth part of the able-bodied men of the training 
band and alarm lists, not engaged in the service, be at once drafted 
by the brigadiers of the several counties mentioned in the resolve, 
and marched without delay to reinforce the army at the northward 
and that they be continued in the service until Nov. .SO, 1777, unless 
sooner discharged. " 

The following list of men taken from the pay-roll of 
Captain Zadock Buffinton's company. Colonel Samuel 
Johnson's regiment, will show those who went from Lynn 
at this time: — 

Thomas Cox William Newhall 

Thomas Cheever Elisha NeAvhall 

Ebenezer Tuttle Thomas Tuttle 

Benjamin Tarbox Richard Tuttle 

Benjamin Hudson Joshua Danforth 

Israel Burrill John Upton 

[111] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

Jonathan Newhall Rufus Brown 

Thomas Wellman Joseph Lindsey 

Andrew Newhall John Proctor 

Elijah Stocker Aaron Breed 

James Marble Thomas Hall 

Joshua Howard John Willis 

Samuel Breeding Garland Chamberlain 

Joseph Williams Samuel Sweetser 

Benjamin Brown Philip Coats 

All of the above men, engaged about the middle of 
August, took active part in the events toward the close 
of the Burgoyne campaign, and, as they were discharged 
at Cambridge on the thirtieth of November, they doubt- 
less accompanied the prisoners on their march. The 
captain of the company, Zadock Buffinton, was of Salem, 
and the colonel, Samuel Johnson, of Andover. 

Through all this stirring year the town held frequent 
meetings in which the subject of the war held a large place 
in the discussions. Before the first companies started 
out for service at the north, we find on the records the 
following vote: — 

"March 3, 1777. Voted that the town will give each man that 
shall enlist in the service of this state for this toAvn for three years 
or during the war, the sum of fourteen pounds to be paid by the 
selectmen. 

"Voted that if any man has already enlisted into said service and 
have received any sum of money short of the above bounty, that he 
be made up that sum and the person to be reimbursed that sum be 
made up by the town." 

When the call for additional troops was made by the 

[ 112 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

General Court on tlie ninth of August, the following 
action was taken: — 

"August 13, 1777. Voted that each man that shall go in the 
service of the state for this town to the last day of November shall 
receive a bounty of ten pounds. 

" Voted that the selectmen apply for fire arms to supply said town." 

On the twenty-seventh of the same month, to fill up 
the town's quota, the following vote was passed: — 

" Voted to choose a committee to procure men to fill up the town 
quota in the Continental army. Mr. James Newhall, Captain Holton 
Johnson and Joseph Ballard were appointed the committee. 

"Voted the said committee procure nine men at the lowest they 
can to enlist in the service and go for this town for the term of three 
years or during the war and the town to pay the bounty." 

During all this time, too, there remained the duty of 
providing for the families at home. Touching this, we 
find the following: — 

"Dec. 13, 1777, Voted to choose a committee agreeable to the war- 
rant to supply the families of those gone in the Continental service 
for this town. Samuel Burrill, Theop. Breed, and Col. John Mans- 
field committee to supply the aforesaid families. March 16, 1778 
Dea. Daniel Mansfield and Abner Cheever added to the committee 
to supply the families." 

Thus we record, in just so far as it is possible to ob- 
tain any definite information, the movements of our sol- 
diers in this campaign and the provisions made for them. 
It must be understood, however, that other men without 
doubt served in other companies and regiments than have 
here been indicated. 

[118] 



Chapter IX 

THE RHODE ISLAND CAMPAIGN AND 
SERVICE AT SEA 

Before leaving the events of the year 1777, one other 
service should be mentioned in which our Lynn men 
were from time to time engaged, that being what was 
commonly known as the Rhode Island service. The 
position of Rhode Island, half-way between the extreme 
northern coasts and the stronghold of the British at New 
York, was one which was particularly exposed and which 
the enemy regarded as a special point of advantage. As 
early as 1776 the Americans had taken pains to fortify 
the entrance to Narragansett Bay; but one passage, that 
between Conanicut Island and the western shore, had 
been left open, and this had been entered in December 
of that year by a fleet of British vessels under Sir Peter 
Parker, and the island of Rhode Island seized. This 
point, the only one with the exception of the lodgment 
which they gained at the mouth of the Penobscot more 
than two years later, was also the only one which the 
British ever held on the coast of New England after the 
evacuation of Boston. The occupation of Newport was 
one which caused much uneasiness in the vicinity of 
Boston, for there was always the fear of an overland 
attack from the enemy, and men were frequently called 
to be in readiness to march on an alarm from Rhode 

[114] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

Island. In the early summer of 1777, in response to one 
of these alarms, a considerable number of troops were 
raised in Massachusetts, and among them nearly an 
entire company made up of men from Salem, Marble- 
head, and Lynn. This company was under Colonel 
Jonathan Titcomb and Captain Joseph Hiller, and left 
T>ynn in the early part of June, arrivino; at Providence 
on the eleventh, where it remained until the eleventh of 
August, when it was discharged. On the pay-roll of the 
company there are some twenty names which undoubtedly 
})elong to men who were residents of Lynn who are cred- 
ited to the town of Marblehead. It is very probable that 
they may have enlisted in the latter town, but from the 
frequent appearance of their names in the Lynn com- 
panies, and in the annals of Lynn, it is quite certain that 
their homes were here. 

It was while this company was stationed at Providence 
that a small body of Americans proceeded from the main- 
land and surprised and took prisoner the commander on 
the island, Major-General Richard Prescott, who was 
asleep at a country house a few miles out of Newport. 
He had tyrannized over the inhabitants for many months, 
and his capture was hailed with delight by those who had 
suffered from his acts of brutality. 

This excursion to Rhode Island, however, was of purely 
local interest and effected nothing, the British retaining 
their hold at Newport for more than two years thereafter. 

The following is a list of the men who were on the 
pay-roll of Captain Miller's company, dated Camp at 
Providence, July six, 1777: — 

Joseph Hiller, Captain Thomas Roberts, Private 

[115] 



Lynn in the Revolution 



Harris Chadwell, First Lieutenant 
John Watts, Second Lieutenant 
Retire Wliittemore, Sergeant 
Edward Brown, Sergeant 
Edm. Whittemore, Sergeant 
Israel Cheever, Sergeant 
Joseph English, Corporal 
Amos Heard, Corporal 
Stephen Caldwell, Corporal 
Jos. Farrington, Corporal 
Edward Stone, F. Major 
James Cook, Drummer 
John Ward, Private 
John Wyburd, Private 
Benjamin Clough, Private 
Joshua Pitman, Private 
Joseph Stone, Private 
Henry Skerry, Private 
Aaron Wait, Private 
Joseph Millet, Private 
Isaac Caldwell, Private 
Benjamin Shaw, Private 
Peter Harris, Private 
William Luscomb, Private 
Daniel Rogers, Private 
Daniel Dutch, Private 
Nathanl. Mansfield, Private 
Nathaniel Estes, Private 
Stephen Brown, Private 
Moses Lufkin, Private 
Joseph Patch, Private 
David Roberts, Private 
John Boardman, Private 
Joseph King, Private 



Abner Pollard, Private 
Hugh Malacky, Private 
John Ramsdell, Private 
James Alley, Private 
Joseph Breed, Private 
Philip Coats, Private 
Joshua Danforth, Private 
John Danforth, Private 
Jonathan Dunnell, Private 
Benjamin Hudson, Private 
Elisha Newhall, Private 
Andrew Newhall, Private 
Nathan Ramsdell, Private 
William Watts, Private 
Benjamin Tarbox, Private 
Nehemiah Ramsdell, Private 
James Fearn, Private 
Samuel Mudge, Private 
John Ireson, Private 
Jacob Newhall, Private 
William Newhall, Private 
William Newhall, Jr., Private 
Micajah Newhall, Private 
Jonathan Newhall, Private 
Nehemiah Newhall, Private 
Onesimus Newhall, Private 
Amos Newhall, Private 
William Tarbox, Private 
Thomas Nichols, Private 
Ebenezer Lathe, Private 
Burrill Potter, Private 
Thomas Hudson, Private 
Nathaniel Tarbox, Private 
Nathaniel Tarbox, Jr., Private 



[116] 




ZACHARIAH ATTWILL 



Lynn 

Jolm Bozune ( ?j, V 
Ebenr, Nutting, Priv a it- 
John Bickford, Private 
Theoph. Bachellor, Privalt- 

Let us turn back for a r 
ington. After the fall of 
Washington remained f<»v ;; 
under Howe and Bur^; 
Morristown. His o 
summer were a yerj»;> o 
made necessary by the \\< , 
absolute inability to meet the 
proaching an equal force 
fought were conducted in a j...* ; . 
direction, and ydttI#<armaHAlkkpOAS 
Brandywjne and Gerrnantowi^, ]<• 
Forts Mercer and Mifflin 
General Howe's army marc 
of his brilliant general^' 
under which he was ol 
clined to criticise hi 
those who expresso 
plotted secretly to s 
magnificent handling, 
admiration which he n 
many, at least, the f; 
general was at the J 
followed the dreai*) ^ 
somewhat by the new s\ 
introduced in the canni 
field in the followin 




\R1AH ATTWIIJ 



Lynn in the Revolution 

John Bozvinc ( >), riivatc Edward Thompson, Private 

Ebenr. Nutting, Priyatc William Johnson, Private 

John Biokford, Private David Lewis, Piivate 

Theoph. Baclieller, Private Zachariah Atlwill, Private 

Let us turn l)ack for a moment to the army of Wash- 
ington. After the fall of Ticonderoga in July, 1777, 
Washington remained for a time watching the two armies 
under Howe and Burgoyne from his strong position at 
Morristown. His own movements during that memorable 
summer were a series of marches and counter-marches 
made necessary by the weakness of his army and his 
absolute inability to meet the enemy with anything ap- 
proaching an equal force. A few battles which were 
fought were conducted in a masterly manner under his 
direction, and yet he was obliged to suffer defeat at 
Brandywine and Germantown, to lose the important 
Forts Mercer and Mifflin on the Delaware, and to see 
General Howe's army march into Philadel])hia. In spite 
of his brilliant generalship and the fearful disadvantage 
under which he was obliged to work. Congress was in- 
clined to criticise his conduct of the war, and there were 
those who expressed openly their dissatisfaction, and 
plotted secretly to sup])lant him. Abroad, however, his 
magnificent handling of his meagre troops roused the 
admiration which he merited, and in France and Ger- 
many, at least, the fact was recognized that a great 
general was at the head of the American forces. There 
followed the dreary winter at Valley Forge, enlivened 
somewhat by the new system of drill which Baron Steuben 
introduced in the camp and which helped to place in the 
field in the following year a better army than had yet 

[ 117 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

faced the enemy. The next summer opened with the 
battle of Monmouth, so admirably planned by Wash- 
ington, so miserably lost through the traitor, Charles Lee. 
But by this time the British army was somewhat weak- 
ened in America, for Great Britain was now embroiled in 
war with France, and found it difficult to keep her army 
here supplied with troops. Only two places w^ere securely 
held by her, and one of these it was now proposed by the 
Americans to seize, if possible. 

Newport, now under the command of the British Major- 
General Pigott, was held by a force of six thousand men. 
Count D'Estaing, whom the French had sent with a fleet 
to aid the Americans, appearing off Staten Island, was 
requested by Washington to proceed with his ships to 
Newport to co-operate with General Sullivan in an attack 
on that place. General Sullivan was in command at 
Providence, and was to direct the movements of the land 
forces. It was an enterprise which met with immediate 
favor in New England, and men responded readily to the 
Massachusetts call for troops. A resolve passed in the 
council chamber on the thirtieth of Julv is of interest, and 
is as follows: — 

"Whereas an immediate attack is intended to be made upon the 
island of Rhode Island, and that it is of the utmost importance that 
sundry articles be immediately transported from said place to Provi- 
dence for the supply of the army therefore 

" Ordered, that the Selectmen of Lynn, in the County of Essex, be 
and they are hereby empowered to procure by impress or otherwise 
two teams in said town for Col. Thos. Chase, Dep. Q. Master 
General for the purpose of conveying from the town of Marblehead 
two loads of lead for the use of said army, the deputy quartermaster 
general paying the owners a valuable consideration for said teams 

[118] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

as shall be so impressed in consequence of this order, and all Jus- 
tices of the Peace are recjuired to afford all necessary aid to enable 
them to carry the fore<>^oing order into execution." 

On the second of x\ugust the following petition was 
presented at a town meeting held in Lvnn: — 

"The subscriber earnestly requests that the inhabitants of the 
town of Lynn would assemble at the meeting house of the Rev. 
Mr. Roby at five o'clock afternoon in order to determine upon the 
best method for raising men for Providence, as I yesterday received 
order l)y express from the Brigadier to have the men in readiness 
without a moments delay. John Flagg." 

This was met by a resolve passed in the town meeting 
as follows: — 

"Agreeable to the above request the town met at the above said 
time and place and passed the folloAving: To give each man that 
enlists or is drafted for the term of six weeks to march to Providence 
thirty pounds per month, including what the Court is pleased to 
give in said thirty pounds. 

"Voted to give said men thirty pounds before they march." 

The company was accordingly raised, and one of our 
own men, in speaking of the expedition, says that they 
proceeded to Providence by way of Taunton, and soon 
after went to Tiverton. This latter town was directly 
opposite Butt's Hill on the island of Rhode Island wdiere 
the hard fighting later occurred, and where the retreat 
across Howland's Ferry was made. Generals Greene and 
Lafayette each commanded divisions under Sullivan, and 
were stationed at the head of the bay. General Glover 
with his brigade was there, having been called from his 

^ [119] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

station on the Hudson to march with Varnum's brigade 
under Lafayette for Rhode Island. Upon his arrival in 
the East he had gathered many recruits in the vicinity of 
his home, in Essex County, and now stood in readiness 
to man the boats which were to convey the troops from 
the mainland to the island. Our own men were again 
under Jonathan Titcomb, who had led them on the occa- 
sion of the Rhode Island alarm the year before, but now 
he was brigadier-general, having been promoted to that 
rank in the previous October. His brigade consisted of 
Essex County militia numbering nine hundred and fifty- 
seven men, and in it was the regiment commanded by 
Colonel Wadsworth, consisting of three hundred and 
ninety-nine rank and file, among whom were the Lynn 
men. At Providence the regiment was divided, the Lynn 
soldiers being placed under Captain Thomas Cox and 
Lieutenant Harris Chad well. Not only were the men in 
Glover's brigade competent to handle the boats, but the 
Lynn soldiers had also been chosen with this work in 
view, and were accordingly ordered to help in transport- 
ing the army and baggage from the mainland to the 
island. On the tenth of August the landing was made 
without opposition, and the march begun toward Newport. 
At about the same time the French fleet, under Count 
D'Estaing, arrived off Point Judith. 

There was intense excitement through all the country- 
side. The roads toward Tiverton were reported to be 
filled with men going there, and the shores for miles were 
lined with anxious watchers. A cannonade was begun 
between the French fleet and the British batteries at 
Newport, filling the inhabitants of the city with terror. 
General Heath, in his memoirs, mentions an amusing 

[ 120] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

incident in wliich one family, in passing from room to 
room of their honse, not knowing where to find a safe 
place, discovered the bhick servant sitting with his back 
at a sliot-hole in a door. Upon his master's asking him 
why he sat there, he answ^ered, "Massa, you never know 
two shot to go in the same place!" Sullivan's advancing 
army found that the British had spoiled the wells along 
their route, and had driven all the cattle from the northern 
end of the island. Yet, wath nothing further to hinder 
their progress, they had advanced on the fifteenth to 
within two miles of the enemy. On the nineteenth they 
took up a position still nearer, and began to feel the effects 
of the enemy's guns. Meantime the British squadron, 
under Lord Howe, had appeared in the sound, and it 
seemed that an engagement must take place between the 
hostile fleets which were now facing each other, A storm, 
however, so severe that for more than fifty years it was 
referred to as "The Great Storm," came on, and both 
commanders had much to do to look after the safety of 
their ships, w^ith little thought of attacking each other. 
The French fleet drew out to sea, and for davs no sio;n of 
it appeared again. When, at length, it came in sight off 
Newport, battered by the storm, its commander informed 
General Sullivan that before he could co-operate in any 
attack upon the enemy it would be necessary to go to 
Boston for repairs. No argument could persuade him to 
have these attended to in Narragansett Bay, and he sailed 
away, leaving General Sullivan to advance or retreat as 
best he could. Many of the volunteers, disgusted, re- 
turned home. On the twenty-eighth of August a gentle- 
man, writing in Boston of the events as they were daily 
transpiring, reported that the French fleet was to be seen 

[ 121 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

at Nantasket, and that General Lafayette also had come 
into Boston, having ridden on horseback all the way from 
Rhode Island in order to meet Count D'Estaing, and to 
beg him to return and give his much-needed aid to Gen- 
eral Sullivan. The appeal, however, availed nothing, as 
the count declared his ships unfit for service, and that it 
would take many days to repair them. Roused, however, 
by the earnestness of his countryman, he promised to 
march his troops overland to Rhode Island. With that 
Lafayette galloped back to the army, arriving just at the 
close of a hard-fought battle at the northern end of the 
island. General Sullivan had been obliged to withdraw 
his forces to this point, as it would have been foolhardy 
to attempt an attack at Newport with the harbors all open 
to the approach of the British fleet under Lord Howe, but 
in the battle which took place at Butt's Hill the result 
was wholly in favor of the American side, and in the final 
retreat from the island the troops were able to proceed so 
quietly and safely that they lost neither men nor baggage 
in the transit. Our Lynn men remained after this for 
a short time at Tiverton, and then went around to Paw- 
tuxet, and stayed until their term of service had expired. 
The British, therefore, were still left in possession of 
Rhode Island. 

But now danger seemed to threaten Boston. With the 
French fleet anchored in the harbor, it was feared that 
Lord Howe would come up and attack it there, — an event 
which even Washington regarded as more than likely, for 
we find him writing General Heath in a letter which 
reached Boston on the tenth of September, that, while it 
was his opinion that the enemy would not attack Boston 
by land, he thought they might endeavor to attack the 

[ 122 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

French fleet in the harbor, and advised him to fortify 
against it. 

Already the British had burned the shipping at New 
Bedford and Fairhaven. At different times fleets were 
reported off Buzzard's Bay, Barnstable, Plymouth, and 
Marblehead, and consequently the French fleet, "mak- 
ing a formidable appearance," was so arranged as to 
protect Boston from an attack. Then it was that the 
General Court passed a resolve, 

" directing that a number of men, equal to one-third part of the train 
band and alarm lists, should be detached from the militia of certain 
of the counties to serve at and about Boston or elsewhere, as directed, 
until January 1, 1779." 

Lynn, with its long line of seacoast so near to Boston, 
might well feel somewhat alarmed at these threatening 
rumors, and it is not to be wondered at that she began to 
look to her own defence. Early in October, 1778, a peti- 
tion, drawn up by her representative, Holton Johnson, 
was presented to the General Court, to this effect: — 

"That the town of Lynn has a seacoast of nearly seven miles in 
extent and some parts of it very convenient for the landing of troops 
and any kind of necessaries for our army, and it is the opinion of 
many people acquainted with those afi'airs, that if the enemy should 
make any attempt this way, while the French fleet is in this harbor, 
that Nahant beach, within the town of Lynn, is the most likely place 
for them to land, and General Washington while in these parts always 
kept a guard at said Nahant and the neighborhood thereof. Your 
petitioner therefore prays that the Honorable Council may be im- 
powercd to order the men raised in the town of Lynn to be retained 
in said town unless necessarilv called to some of the nei^hborine: 

[ ^^3 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

towns on an alarm; and your petitioner as in duty bound will ever 
pray." 

The request was granted, and is recorded in the follow- 
ing resolve: — 

"In the House of Representatives, Oct. 7, 1778. 

"Whereas, it has been represented to this Court that the town of 
Lynn is in an exposed position, if the enemy shall make any attempt 
in those parts, therefore 

"Resolved that the Hon. the major part of the Council be desired 
to give orders that the men which the town of Lynn has raised, as 
their proportion of the 1200 men, be discharged. 

"In Council, Oct. 8, 1778, concurred." 

All the alarm which was felt for the safety of Boston at 
this time proved unnecessary, although there is no doubt 
that Sir Henry Clinton may have taken pains to allow^ 
it to become as wide-spread as possible in order to draw 
attention from his own movements at New^ York. There 
were no further operations at the North this year, al- 
though the war still dragged on at the South and on the 
frontiers. The French fleet remained at Boston until the 
third of November, when a part of it sailed away for the 
West Indies, the remainder following the next day. In 
November, also, the convention troops took their de- 
parture for Virginia, having been quartered in the vicin- 
ity of Boston for a year. Many of the regiments which 
had been doing guard duty in the Eastern Department 
now went home, and General Heath, who had long been 
in command here, was succeeded by Gates. 

Referring now to the individual records of our Lynn 
soldiers, those of the three years' men still in the service 



Lynn in the Revolution 

were in winter quarters on or near the Hudson. They 
were in no active engagement again until that of Stony 
l*oint in the following July. Indeed, the work w^iich our 
men did in the army from this time until the close of the 
war was confined practically to the holding of the posts on 
the Hudson. This most important section needed to be 
jealously guarded against any sudden move of the enemy, 



Home of Charles Florence, Revolutionary Soldier 
Lincoln Avenue, East Saugus 

for it still remained the strategical centre which w^ould 
have been eagerly grasped, had the [least opportunity 
offered. The great Southern campaigns, with their fa- 
mous victories and defeats, were far removed from our 
New" England men, and there w^ere certainly few New 
England yeomen who followed the fortunes of the army 
in the South. One Lynn man has been found who must 
have been with the Southern army for a time, at least, 
but why or w^ith wdiom can only be conjectured from the 
single letter known to be in existence which was penned 

[125] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

by him. We give the letter as it was written, undated, 
and with little connection perhaps with our story, yet of 
sufficient interest, it may be, to w arrant placing it here : — 

" WiLLiAJViSBURG, VIRGINIA, May 10th. 
"■Dear Brother 

"Tho I have been long Silent yet it has Not proseded from any Dis 
Respect to you Nor any Neglect towards you. But my curstanses 
have been so unsettled that indead I knew not what to Write there 
has not pased A Day When I have not thought of you And all the 
Rest of my famely but My afairs have been so unsettled that I put it 
off from post from another In hopes to inform you where I Expet 
to go And I now Belive it is pretty Sertin That I Shall go to frans and 
Expet to Imbark in about 15 Days at the furthest. And if Should 
Live and Do well I hope to be home in the fall. If there is any thing 
Coming to me from the State pray inform yourself in the mater as 
well as you Can And inform Council Newhall that I have got my 
Discharge when my time was out and beg the favour of him to be 
so kind as to See that I do not lose what Litell I have So Dearly 
Earned in The Servis. I have hard their was some money made a 
present by the State to the Soldiers in Considration of the under 
Valuing the paper Curency. I have now two years pay Dcav in the 
Regement And Clothing. My Duty to my father and sister and all 
asking frinds. your Loving Brother 

"Charles Florence." 

While the service of our men in the army during the 
later years of the war probably brought few of them into 
the great military operations of the time, there was a 
goodly number, belonging to the navy, who were seeing 
plenty of active service. At the beginning of the war 
there was no navy, and that which was gradually gathered 
together could never have been considered a strong one, 
yet, such as it was, with the aid of the privateers which 

[ 126 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

plied the ocean throughout the war, it succeeded in bring- 
ing in many vahiable prizes, representing many thousands 
and even millions of dollars in value. The man most 
active perhaps, at the beginning of the war, in fitting out 
the vessels which sailed from Marblehead, Beverly, and 
Salem was Colonel John Glover, later as general so famil- 
iar to our Lynn soldiers. One statement showing the 
earnestness with which the business of privateering was 
carried on gives the fact that "in a single season there 
w^as despatched from Salem and Beverly fifty-two pri- 
vateers, chiefly owned in Salem and Beverly, which 
mounted about seven hundred and fifty guns, and car- 
ried crews of nearly four thousand men." It is not 
strange, then, to find among these crews names of men 
belonging to the neighboring town of Lynn. The rec- 
ords of the Lynn sailors are very incomplete, and it is 
only now and then possible to even indicate the service 
which they performed. 

In the summer of 1779 a famous expedition was under- 
taken against the British post which had just been es- 
tablished at the mouth of the Penobscot River for the 
purpose of keeping that region free from Boston and 
Salem cruisers which preyed upon British supply ships as 
they came into the country. The council of the state 
directed the Board of War to engage as many private 
armed vessels as were suitable to combine with the state 
and Continental armed vessels in an attempt to dislodge 
the enemy from this point, the owners of private ves- 
sels to be reimbursed by the state for any damage or 
loss sustained by them in the enterprise. Land forces 
were also gathered from York and Cumberland Coun- 
ties to co-operate Avith this fleet. The people in New 

[ 127] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

England were again roused to do their utmost in what 
promised to be an important undertaking. Nineteen 
armed vessels, carrying three hundred and twenty-four 
guns, with more than two thousand men, and twenty 
transports, with nearly four thousand troops, sailed for 
the coast of Maine, where a landing was made on the 
twenty -sixth of July. Commodore Dudley Salstonstall, 
of the ship "Warren," was in charge of the fleet, while 
General Solomon Lovell commanded the land forces, 
and Lieutenant-Colonel Paul Revere had charge of the 
artillery. It was found upon arrival that the British 
under Colonel Maclean had not completed their forti- 
fications, and that there were but three armed vessels 
in the harbor, and yet General Lovell hesitated to attack, 
not being sufficiently supported, as he thought, by the fleet. 
He therefore proceeded to erect works for himself, and 
began a desultory firing upon the enemy's fort. This 
he continued for two weeks, while he sent to Boston for 
reinforcements. While waiting thus practically inac- 
tive. Admiral Sir George Collier at New York heard 
of the expedition, and sailed for the scene of action with 
five English vessels and an armament greatly superior 
to that of the Americans. The entire American fleet 
was captured or destroyed, and the land forces, retreat- 
ing through the wilderness, after weeks of wandering, 
made their way home. The "Warren," a new ship of 
thirty guns, had on board at least one Lynn man, 
Onesimus Newhall, of the North Parish. During the 
engagement with the British Mr. Newhall was obliged 
to jump overboard and swim ashore to escape capture. 
This he was enabled to do, however, and lived to go 
through many other exciting experiences as a privateer. 

[ 128 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

The unfortunate result of the expedition was said to have 
involved Massachusetts in a debt of seven million dollars, 
"not so distressing/' according to General Sullivan, "as 
the disgrace." 

Some of the vessels which became very well known dur- 
ing the war, and which from time to time numbered Lynn 
men in their crews, were the frigate "Boston," ship 
"Protector," brig "Hazard," brigantine "Freedom," brig- 
antine "Ranger," ship "Junius Brutus," ship "Thomas," 
ship "Pilgrim," ship "Tartar," ship "Rhodes," brigan- 
tine "Tyrannicide," brigantine "Rover," brig "Ann," 
and bark "Gen. Gates." The brigantine "Tyranni- 
cide" is one which is frequently mentioned in the re- 
cords of the Lynn sailors, and among those who sailed 
in her at various times were Surgeon Dr. Martin Her- 
rick, Timothy Newhall, John Proctor, and James Rich. 
Joseph Proctor, Jr., was reported as on the "Boston" 
in December, 1778. This frigate, under the command 
of the somewdiat famous Captain Samuel Tucker, of 
Marblehead, was the one chosen to convey John Adams 
on his mission to France in February of that year. 

The "Warren" was burned by her commander at Pe- 
nobscot, and the "Tyrannicide" and "Hazard" were 
also in the unfortunate Penobscot expedition. 

With this very brief mention of the fact that Lynn 
had her part in the naval service of the Revolution, — that 
service which was so filled with excitement, adventure, 
and even profit to those who engaged in it, — we pass on 
to the closing scenes of the war in so far as her men were 
concerned in them. 



[ l^^J) 1 



Chapter X 

AT WEST POINT 

On the seventh of October, 1777, the second battle 
of Bemis's Heights was fought, and on the seventeenth 
of October, when Burgoyne signed the articles of con- 
vention drawn up by the still unconquered foe, the Brit- 
ish gave up their hold on the Hudson River. Neverthe- 
less there remained the hope, if not the expectation, that 
by some turn in the fortunes of war they might yet seize 
this centre, and effect that division of the colonies which 
had at first been planned. Well realizing this fact, no 
amount of vigilance was spared by the Commander-in- 
Chief of the American forces to keep this region well 
fortified, for even the moving of active hostilities toward 
the South did not remove the danger which might at any 
time threaten the posts on the Hudson. The summer 
of 1780 came near furnishing the opportunity for that 
turn of affairs which would have thrown this region 
into the hands of the enemy and changed perhaps the 
whole course of the war. It was the period which has 
often been referred to as the darkest, and even the soul 
of Washington was ready to succumb under the weight 
of discouragements which he had been obliged to meet. 
In New York, since 1776, the British had ruled with 
a high hand. Few inhabitants were there save Royal- 
ist sympathizers, the Loyalist merchants, and the great 
army which was in possession, and the city showed 
the effects of its alien population. Twice it had been 
swept by fire, and for nearly three years some of its 

[130] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

churches and largest buiklings had been used to house 
the unhappy prisoners which the British had taken. In 
the harbor had been anchored not only the British ships- 
of-war, but the terrible prison-ships upon which the 
starved and miserable patriot soldiers perished by hun- 
dreds. Impossible as it may be to fully picture to our- 
selyes the misery to our farmer soldiers of confinement 
in these infamous pens, something of their horror we feel 
as we read the descriptions which liaye come down to 
us, and we scan the records of our own men to see if any 
perchance suffered this special torture. We find not infre- 
quently the words "taken prisoner" beside their names, 
and know that in most cases this meant taken to the 
prisons in New York. More than one died on the most 
notorious of all the prison-ships, the " Jersey," which 
was anchored in New York Harbor during the latter 
years of the war. In yiew of the fact that it was not 
always easy to keep their own army supplied with pro- 
visions, it is scarcely to be wondered at, perhaps, that 
])risoners taken by the British should have died of star- 
vation as well as disease, but the cruelty and inhumanity 
of the treatment which they otherwise received can only 
be explained by the barbarism of war. 

The winter of 1779 and 1780 had been an especially 
hard one for both armies, marked as it was by such severe 
cold that for weeks the harbor and rivers were frozen 
solid enough for teams to drive across. The snow along 
the Hudson, where the Americans were encamped, was 
said to have been four feet deep on a level, and it was 
with great difficulty that communication could be kept 
open betw^een the posts. Many soldiers that winter suf- 
fered from frost-bites, and one man was frozen to death 

[ 131 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

on his way from New Windsor to the garrison at West 
Point. Yet New York streets were brilliant with red- 
coats and gay uniforms, and balls and dinners beguiled 
the time for the foreign soldiers, and kept up the courage 
of the merchant and small trader. There were no mili- 
tary operations at the North during this time, and the 
spring saw the departure for the South of a portion of 
the main body of the British army under Sir Henry Clin- 
ton and Lord Cornwallis. Clinton did not remain long 
at the South, but his army during its short stay effected 
a notable victory at Charleston, where it captured Gen- 
eral Lincoln and his whole army. Leaving Lord Corn- 
wallis in command there, Sir Henry returned to New 
York just in time to prevent a combined attack against 
the city by the American and French armies. The 
arrival of reinforcements from France, under Count 
Rochambeau, had suggested to Washington the possi- 
bility of wresting from the enemy the city which was 
now the only point held by them in the North with the 
exception of the post at the mouth of the Penobscot. 
The plan had to be given up, however, when Clinton 
appeared with the strong naval force which he was able 
to gather. There arrived with him from the South at 
this time, as his adjutant, the young Major John Andre, 
and at about the same time General Arnold, who had 
been in command at Philadelphia, was appointed by 
Washington commander at West Point. Then were 
brought into close proximity the two men whose names 
were henceforth to be inseparably united. General Ar- 
nold, who had been conspicuous for his bravery in Canada, 
at Fort Stanwix, in the vicinity of his home in Connecti- 
cut, and at Saratoga, admired and eagerly followed by 

[ L32 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

the iiKMi whom \w had coninianded, trusted of Wash- 
inotoii, now came to West Point, resentful and revenge- 
ful, with tlie deliberate plan of betraying into the hands 
of the enemy the forts on the Hudson. In an old colo- 
nial mansion at the lower end of Broadw^ay Sir Henry 
Clinton and his adjutant, Andre, discussed the plot and 
})erfected their ])lans. In another colonial mansion on 
the east bank of the Hudson River, a little below West 
Point, General Arnold made his headquarters, and there 
brought his beautiful young w^ife and infant son. There 
too, he continued his secret and anonymous correspond- 
ence which he had already begun with Sir Henry Clinton 
through Andre. His own identity, however, was now 
revealed to his correspondent, since he wa*ote from the 
house which was known to be the headquarters of the 
commander of the Northern Army. 

Most of the men whose duty it was to hold the posts 
upon the Hudson were from New England, and some of 
our Lynn men, whose term of service had not run out, 
had been for some time in the neighborhood, serving 
under Colonel Rufus Putnam and Colonel Greaton. 
Now, however, in response to the call of the state for 
additional troops for the service on the Hudson, and 
later to the request of Washington for a reinforcement 
of militia in addition to the state's regular quota, more 
than fifty men marched from Lynn to West Point. Under 
the first resolve, dated June the fifth, 1780, the state had 
called for men to serve for six months, and the selectmen 
of Lynn had met accordingly and provided for raising 
her quota. This body of men under Captains George 
Webb and Thomas Pritchard arrived at Springfield on 
the eleventh of July, where they joined General Gk)ver's 

[ 1'5'5 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

brigade, and proceeded to their destination. In response 
to the second resolve of June the twenty-second, whereby 
nearly five thousand men were to be raised, our own men 
were enlisted in Captain Addison Richardson's company 
in the Essex County regiment, which was placed under 
the command of Colonel Nathaniel Wade, and were to 
serve three months. These men, therefore, together with 
the six months' men previously enlisted, were in the 
neighborhood of West Point when General Arnold 
arrived to take command. Whatever experiences they 
had during this short service, — and to a few probably 
it was their first service, since there were some whose 
ages ranged from sixteen to nineteen years, — all sank 
into insignificance beside the development and discovery 
of what General Glover described as that "most infernal 
plot," the frustration of which, he said, "must be imputed 
to the interposition of Divine Providence." At the risk 
of repeating an oft-told tale, it seems necessary to out- 
line the main features of this mournful affair in order 
to bring before us the event which cast a gloom over the 
whole army, and caused Washington to exclaim sadly, 
"Whom can we trust now!" 

Benedict Arnold came early upon the stage of Ameri- 
can military affairs, having, as a boy of fifteen, run away 
to serve in the old French War, not, however, with any 
distinction, but bearing out the estimate of his Con- 
necticut neighbors, who described him as "an uncom- 
monly active, prompt, saucy, roguish, and impetuous 
lad," — "rash, headstrong, and regardless alike of friends 
and foes." As a man, at the beginning of the Revo- 
lution, those who knew him best considered him a man 
"of sensitive pride and temper," yet "generous and 

[134] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

tliouo^htful of others." Siicli a man he had shown him- 
self (hirino; the earlv years of the war, and, had he received 
on the battlefiehl of Saratoga a mortal wonnd instead of 
the severe one which only for long prevented his actively 






















/♦• V 



r/ 



/C»/V %^.'^<^ 






^^m'^' 



Facsimiles of Soldiers' Passes givoi to Daniel Allen Breed Newhall 



engaging in military service, his name would have been 
among those most honored in the annals of the war. 
Long before that battle of Saratoga, however, he had been 
greatly aggrieved by the slights which he felt had been 
put upon him by Congress, and he had written to Wash- 

[135] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

ington in complaint and sworn to Gates, "By heavens! 
I am a villain if I seek not a brave revenge for injnred 
honor!" In Jnne, 1778, after the departure of the Brit- 
ish from Philadelphia, he had been placed in command 
there, and for two years lived in a style scarcely less gay 
and extravagant than had his British predecessor, Sir 
William Howe. Attractive in appearance and manner, 
he became a favorite among the moderate Tories of the 
city, and in the spring of 1779 married the beautiful 
daughter of one of them. His manner of living was bit- 
terly criticised by the pronounced patriots, who remon- 
strated with him not only for his expenditures, but also 
for his apparent friendliness with the Loyalist party. 
With the accumulation of debts, suspicion became aroused 
against him, and, finally, charges preferred by the coun- 
cil of Pennsylvania were referred by Congress to a court- 
martial. The many months which were allowed to 
elapse before he w^as brought to trial served to embitter 
him the more, and, although he was finally exonerated 
from the charges which involved his honor, and received 
only a mild reprimand from the Commander-in-Chief for 
the acts which were deemed irregular, his decision had 
already been formed to go over to the British side. For 
months he had been corresponding with Sir Henry Clin- 
ton under an assumed name, representing himself as an 
American officer, high in rank, who for sufficient con- 
siderations would throw in his lot with that of the in- 
vading army. In order to carry out his design, he ap- 
plied to Washington for the command of the post at 
West Point. Washington w^ould have preferred to give 
him a command on the right wing of the army, but upon 
his still pleading disability on account of his wound the 

[ 136 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

Commander-in-Chief, with perfect confidence still in his 
integrity, granted his request. Thus during the first 
week of August, Arnold established himself on the Hudson. 

The correspondence with Clinton now^ reached a point 
where only a personal interview w^as needed to perfect 
the plan of betraying into British hands the posts which 
Arnold commanded. The time chosen for such an inter- 
view was when Washington, whose headquarters were at 
Tappan, only a few miles below West Point, was absent 
in Connecticut in conference with the French Count 
Rochambeau. 

At night, on the twenty-first of September, Major John 
Andre, wearing the gold-laced uniform of a British officer, 
covered by a long blue coat, was rowed to the western 
shore of the Hudson River, and landed at a lonely place 
a few miles below^ Stony Point. There he was met by 
Arnold, and a conference between the two men lasted 
until nearly dawn, when Arnold proposed that Andre 
should remain on shore until the next night. Proceeding 
to the house of Joshua II. Smith, the man who had rowed 
Andre ashore, their plans were soon completed. Draw- 
ings of the fort and an account of its defences were given 
to Andre, and the follow^ing night, clothed in the dress of 
a citizen, he was conducted by his host across King's 
Ferry to the eastern side of the river, where the two men 
spent the night. On the morning of the twenty-third. 
Smith accompanied Andre to the neutral ground beyond 
the American lines, and then left him with the assurance 
that the road to the British lines w^as plain and safe, 
although advising him to keep to the left-hand inland route. 
Andre, however, disregarded this latter advice, and soon 
after parting with Smith turned off to the right, taking 

[ 137 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

the river road. Before noon he was taken, just as he was 
emerging from Sleepy Hollow, above Tarrytown. The 
three men who stepped out upon the road to bar his 
progress, he at first supposed to belong to that class of 
men called cow-boys — marauders and plunderers — who yet 
belonged to the British side, and w^ith whom he w^ould be 
safe. Quickly discovering his mistake, he showed them 
his pass from Arnold, but too late to allay their suspicions, 
and he was accordingly searched. The incriminating 
papers were found in the soles of his stockings. No 
arguments or offers of money would induce the men to 
let him go, — "Not for ten thousand guineas," declared 
the leader, would they release him, — and his horse was 
accordingly turned about, and he was led to North Castle, 
where the men delivered their prisoner into the hands of 
Lieutenant-Colonel Jameson, who commanded there. The 
next morning Colonel Jameson ordered Andre to be taken 
to Arnold's headquarters, the j)apers being sent to the 
Commander-in-Chief at Tappan. Had Andre succeeded 
in reaching Arnold, his own escape, as well as that of 
Arnold, would have been assured. As it was, he had 
scarcely set out when Major Tallmadge, next in rank to 
Colonel Jameson, arrived at North Castle, and, learning 
what had occurred, immediately suspected Arnold's 
treachery. By his earnest advice an officer w^as sent to 
overtake Andre and return him to North Castle, A letter, 
however, had been sent to Arnold, apprising him of the 
capture of "one John Anderson," which was allowed to 
proceed on its way. This, reaching Arnold just before 
the return of Washington from his mission at Hartford, 
enabled the traitor to make good his escape, although 
too late for any assistance to be given to Andre. The 

[ 138 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

latttM- was tak(Mi to Salem and then to liea(l(|uarter.s at 
Tappan, 

The immediate works at West Point were now, in the 
absenee of their eommander, Colonel Lamb, in the tem- 
porary command of our Massachusetts colonel, Nathaniel 
Wade, and under the latter were more than half of the 
Lynn men who had left home that summer. The letter 
which Washino;ton immediately sent to Colonel Wade 
contained the following: — 

"General Arnold is gone to the enemy. 1 have just now received 
a line from him enclosing one to ^Irs. Arnold, dated on board the 
\ ullure. I request that you will he as vigilent as possil)le, and as 
the enemy may have it in contemplation to attempt some enterprise, 
cfen to-night, against these posts, I wish you to make, immediateh- 
after the receipt of this, the liest disposition you can of your force, 
so as to have a proportion of men in each work on the \\est side of 
the river." 

This gives us a hint regarding the position which a j)art 
of our men occupied at this time. 

At Tappan a court-martial, ordered by Washington, 
was held, in w hicli sat some of the ablest generals of the 
war, among them General Glover, of Marblehead. The 
unanimous report was that Andre, as a spy from the 
enemy, should suffer death. Yet his interesting person- 
ality and manly bearing had drawn to himself the sym- 
pathy of both armies, and the sad ending of his career 
was one which w^as felt with deep regret by friend and 
foe. 

On ^Monday, October the second, 1780, Major Andre 
was led to the gallows, his request to be shot having l)een 
refused. General Glover, in whose brigade were the six 

[ 139 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

months' men from Lynn, was officer of the day, and there 
is little doubt that these Lynn men were present at the 
execution. One of the men chosen to beat taps with 
muffled drums was Isaac Organ, of Lynn, a drum-major 
in Colonel John Greaton's regiment and famous in his 
day as a drummer. Thus was closed one of the most 
pathetic incidents of the war, and one which was told 
beside Lynn firesides for many years by men who were 
eye-witnesses of the event. 

The following lists will give, so far as is known, the 
men who went from Lynn to West Point that summer: — 

Six Months' Men drafted for Service in July, 1780, from 
THE Town of Lynn. 

John Mead Oliver Walton 

Ebenezer Parsons James Newhall 

Joshua Danforth Noah Newhall 

Andrew Mansfield Allen Newhall 

~\ Joseph Burrill Blaney Newhall 

Ezra Moulton Joseph Lindsey 

Philip Coats Theophilus Farrington 

John Brown Benjamin Jacobs 

John Fl} nn Daniel Parrott 

Andrew Newhall Thos. Hitchings 

Benjamin Newhall Ebenezer Ramsdell 

Samuel Bates Richard Pappoon 

Three Months' Men in Captain Richardson's Company, 
Colonel Nathaniel Wade's Essex County Regiment, 
enlisted in July, 1780, for Service at West Point. 

Jos. Stocker, 1st Lieut, Joseph Lewis 

Josiah Martin, 2nd Lieut. Benjamin Massey 

[ 140] 




:.mr-^ 



Lynn in the Revolution 



.loliii Irc'soii, Ser<rt. 
Nathl. '^rarl)()X, Sergt. 
Micajah Xewhall, Corporal 
Thos. Cheever, Cor])oraI 
Will. ^Mansfield, Corporal 
IMios. Attwill, Fifer 
John Clicever 
Robert Felt 
John Hallowell 
Joshua Howard 
Rufiis Johnson 
Isaac Lewis 
Caleb Lewis 



Thomas Newman 

Solomon Newhall 

David Newhall 

Josiah Rhodes 

Joseph Rhodes 

John Symons (may be "Simnis") 

John Smith 

Wm. Tarbox 

James Thompson 

Nathaniel Viall 

Thos. White 

Caleb Wellman 

Micajah Burrill 



[ 141 



Chapter XI 

THE END OF THE STORY 

There is little more to record regarding the movements 
of the soldiers of Lynn. Only once after this are we able 
to discover that recruits were sent to the army. This 
was in response to a patriotic appeal to the people for 
long-term enlistments, embodied in a resolve in the council 
of Massachusetts on the second of December, 1780. It 
was at a time when the army was in the greatest desti- 
tution, and enlistments were hard to obtain. Washington 
expressed the need in a private letter, in which he said : — 

"We are without money; without provision and forage except 
what is taken by impress; without clothing; and shall shortly be, 
in a manner, without men. In a word we have lived by expedients 
till we can live no longer." 

General Glover wrote to the council of Massachusetts 
on the eleventh of December: — 

"It is now four days since your line of the army has eaten one 
mouthful of bread. We have no money, nor will anybody trust us. 
The best of wheat is at this moment selling in the state of New York 
for three fourths of a dollar per bushel and your army is starving 
for want. On the first of January something will turn up, if not 
speedily prevented, which your officers cannot be accountable for." 

The prospect of three years in the army under such 
conditions was not bright, to say the least, and drafts had 
to be made in order to comply with the request. We find 

[ 142 ] 



B Y T n r. n .) •: ov: 

M A J « R - G K N E R A L 



the 




Regiio.'nt, 



in the Sratr or Xcvr-\'(jrk. 



Day (.r 



% tb.e Gencral-s (::oi-aman4, //^/7'/'^''^-'^-;^^^ 



'REGisTERHD in tlic Books of tl.e Regiment. 






^ 

t 



DISCHARGK OF DAVID TUFTS 



^ 



' mjC'.''»i*t 















l)IW(ll.\K(iK OF EBKNKZER BURRIL 



Lynn in the Revolution 

that it was not until tlio fourth of the foHowino; January 
tliat a vote was taken in Lynn, at a town meeting held at 
Jaeol) Xewhall's tavern, to raise twenty-seven men for 
tlie Continental Army. At the same time it was voted to 
<2^rant as much money as w^ould purchase tw^enty-seven 
hunch-ed silver dollars, or the value thereof in gohl, to 
pay the men. The committee chosen to have the whole 
matter in charoe consisted of Jacob Newhall, Joseph 
liallard. and John U})ton. Some days later there were 
added to the committee the captains of each company and 
Nathan Hawkes, Captain Thomas Cox, Benjamin John- 
son. Lieutenant Thomas Townsend, and Colonel John 
Mansfield. Even with such effort it was months before 
the full number w^as obtained, yet, when it is seen that 
some of the men engaged dated back their enlistments to 
the year 1777, it is realized how great was their contri- 
bution to the cause of independence. 

The twenty-seven men finally sent were recruited for 
various regiments, and were as follows: — 

Samuel Vial Charles Hopkins 

James Ramsdell John Rhodes 

Samuel Brown Nathaniel Cushinp; 

John Jacobs Noah Parker 

Jacob Hart, Sergt. Benj. — ridge 

Ebenezer Hart, Corporal John Flinn 

Richard Hill, Corporal Jos. Williams 

Aaron Nourse John Brown 

William Paul John Marden 

Calvin Newhall James Welman 

Charles Watts Vlichael Fleming 

Nathan Hitch ings John Swain 

John Mead Cuff Gott fCtTesar) 



Jos. Adams 



[143] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

From a careful study of the individual records of the 
Lynn soldiers it will be seen that little, if any, part was 
taken by them in the remaining hostilities of the war. 
These being from this time on confined to the South, the 
duties of most of the New England men were the no less 
important ones of holding the posts at the North already 
belonging to the Americans. Even after the surrender of 
Cornwallis at Yorktown, Washington considered it of 
the utmost importance to keep the ranks of the army 
supplied and the posts defended until an actual declara- 
tion of peace should remove the possibility of some new 
hostile movement. Consequently, the series of canton- 
ments established in the region of the Hudson, forming 
a wide half-circle around the British base at New York 
City, were kept fully manned, and in these our men were 
quartered until furlough or discharge enabled them to 
turn homeward. No doubt they shared to the full the 
discontent and discouragement which prevailed in the 
Northern Army during the later years of the w^ar, yet, 
although desertions w^ere frequent, examples are scarcely 
to be found of our own men thus leaving the army. 

When, to the great joy of all, formal announcement of 
the cessation of hostilities was made on the nineteenth 
of April, 1783, the anniversary of their beginning at 
Lexington, many men, including some from Lynn, were 
allowed to go home on furlough, taking their weapons 
with them. These will be noted in the biographical 
sketches which follow. They were, of course, never 
called upon to rejoin the army, and the remainder of 
the soldiers w^hose three years' term was not over when 
the final peace was declared were honorably discharged. 
We may well imagine that the journey home on foot was 

[ 144 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

joyfully undertaken, and that at the farm-houses, where 
the sohliers were kindly entertained, the rehearsal of 
their experiences was eagerly listened to. 

On their arrival home, work on the farm and at the 
shoemaker's bench was again taken up, and their part 
as citizens once more assumed. Again they were heard 
in the deliberations of the town meeting, and very soon 
they began to share in the interests and anxieties which 
resulted from tlK^ newly gained independence. 




(iroiip in Old Western Burial Ground, 
June 17. 1004 

Many of these men spent the rest of their lives in the 
little town from whence they had marched away to the 
war; and in the old-time burial-places they lie surrounded 
by their families and neighbors. Many of their long- 
forgotten resting-places are now suitably marked by the 
bronze marker of the Sons of the American Revolution, 
and where for years no stone was raised in their mem- 
ory a recent provision of the government of the United 

[ 145 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

States lias made it possible to })la('e at the head of every 
known <rrave of a Revolutionary soldier, the marble stone 
which records his name and the fact of his honorable 
service. 

It may be well in this connection to refer to the com- 
memorative services which were held on the seventeenth 
of June, 1904, in honor of the Revolutionary soldiers of 
Lynn. 

In the year 1903 and the spring of 1904 stones and 
markers had been placed at the graves of all the known 
Revolutionary soldiers in the various burial-grounds of 
what constituted the old town of Lynn. The seven- 
teenth of June of the latter year was chosen as a day of 
dedication of such of these memorials as had been placed 
w^ithin the precincts of the present city. On the morn- 
ing of that day, flags were placed in the bronze markers 
at the graves, and in the afternoon, on the invitation of 
the Old Essex Chapter, Sons of the American Revolu- 
tion, and the Lynn Historical Society, there gathered at 
the old Western Burial Ground, and later at the First 
Congregational Church, children, grandchildren, and 
great-grandchildren of Revolutionary sires. These were 
not necessarily members of patriotic societies, although 
many, no doubt, w^ere such, but they came together simply 
as those who w ould do honor to the memory of men whom 
the world had forgotten, but who had been identified 
with the best and noblest work that Lynn had ever 
helped to accomplish. It was a unique gathering, com- 
posed as it was, to so large an extent, of representatives 
of old Lynn families, and it w^as marked by a dignity 
and absence of noise and parade which would have well 
suited the simple taste and manner of the earlier day 

[ 140 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

which tlu' meeting recalled. It seemed fittiiifj;, too, that 
such memorial services sliould he held in the cimrch whose 
traditions were those of the old *' AIeetin<i;-IIoiise," where 
our men of the Revolution had so often gathered. 

The exercises, which served to review something of 
the history of the Lynn soldiers, w-ere also the occasion 
of formally dedicating and turning over to the city the 
care and preservation of the memorials which had been 




Group of School -children at flic Dedication of 
Memorials to Revolutionarii Soldiers 



erected in their honor. And it was felt to be a matter of 
soT7ie pride and satisfaction that the patient work of years 
had resulted in the placing of more flags in markers 
of the Sons of the American Revolution than could be 
found in any other city of the United States. One hun- 
dred and ninety-six graves had thus been marked, — one 
hundred and four in the old Western Ground, twelve 
in the Eastern Ground, eleven in Pine Grove Cemetery, 
thirty-five in Saugus, and thirty-four in Lynnfield. In 

[147] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

the second part of this volume will be found the record 
of the burial-places of as many of the Revolutionary 
soldiers of Lynn as are to-day known. In many cases 
where the men died in service, it has been only possible 
to give that fact, the exact place of burial being unknown. 
In the following chapter will be given the journal of 
Henry Hallo well, a Revolutionary soldier of Lynn, who 
thought it worth while to write out his experiences for the 
benefit of those who should come after him. His inter- 
esting account gives many side-lights upon what has been 
here related, and its addition will finish the story of Lynn's 
part in the great Revolution. It was not a brilliant part, 
not full of striking incident and distinguished valor, per- 
haps, but it was the part of a simple, true-hearted, 
patriotic community which gave of its best and remained 
steadfast through "the times which tried men's souls." 



[ 148 ] 




i„ * 



T»i^ 






^: 1 






■^'■ 



COVER OF HALLOAVELL JOURNAL 



Chapter XII 
THE HALLO WELL JOURNAL 

"The followin<^- account is not 
Written But little grammatical 
but simple and plain, not gil- 
tino- much learning in former 
Days as children do now. 

ir. H." 

A Narrative of Henry Hallowell, of Lynn, re- 
specting THE Revolution in 1775, 1776, 1777, 
1778, 1779, TO January 17, 1780. 

Previous to going into the Continental Army I was 
six months in 1775 under the command of Harris Chad- 
well, of Breed's End, Lynn, guarding our sea coasts. 
The British Army being in Boston We kept a watch at 
the gate leading to Nahant and at the marsh below 
Shepard street and at Newhall's Landing, so called. On 
Sundays people carried there guns to meeting and Lodged 
them in the porch in service. 

In the course of 1775, A Distressing Night we saw by 
a report that the enemy was landed at the king's beach, 
so called which })ut the people in great consternation in 
the Body of tlie town, so that the sick was removd and 
Whole families fled. Myself and many others, under 
the command of Fredk. Breed all under arms set off 
to meet tluMii But ])roved a false report and sd. Breed 

[ 149 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

was so active got recommended and was commissioned 
as 2d. Lieut, and was in the campaign of 1776. 

In 1775 Col. Mansfield and Col. Gerish was broacli 
for laying with their regiment at Cable hill while the 
people were suffering at Bunker hill the day it was taken, 
June 17, 1775. The same summer Capt. Lindsey, of 
Lynn was broke for misconduct — him that was called 
money maker Lindsey — and Daniel Galeucia his Lieut, 
took the command as Captain. 

About the time of my six months was out in guarding 
the seacoast I inlisted for one year and joined Col. Hut- 
chingson Regt. the first day of January 1776 at Winter 
Hill, so called, west of Bunker hill, and in Capt. Ezra 
Newhall's company and Did Duty in the Ranks that 
year. Our Army lay at Winter Hill, plowed hill, Pros- 
pect hill. Cable hill, Cambridge and Roxbury, and soon 
got to Dochester hills. On the last named hills we 
placed hogsheds of stone and other stuff if in case of an 
attack to let them Down in order to Brake the British 
ranks but had no occasion. 

Some of our men made a fire in the night on the side 
of Dochester hill and while by the fire they threw a ball 
from Boston and killed some of the men, the effects I 
saw next morning. 

A party of our men went in the Night to the foot of 
Bunker hill and set fire to some houses and Brought off 
some prisoners, part of them I saw; among them was a 
woman and husband. 

A part of our regiment was some time in the colleges 
at Cambridge. The enemy would throw shot and shell 
both day and night. We built a fort at Lechmere point 
ill the winter of 1775 and very cold winter it was. Old 

[ 150 ] 



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Lynn in the Revolution 

general Piitiiam coiiunaiuled tlie army for Geiil. Wash- 
ington had not got here, and General Putnam gave out 
word that when Charles river was so strong as to bear 
liim and men across he ment to pay the enemy a visit, 
which w^as in Boston. One day when w^e w^ere forti- 
fying I left the fort and when I had got to the edge of 
the river I got in company with two men, tho strangers. 
We soon agreed to try the river. The method we took 
w^as a rock which we would throw^ before us and so would 
follow it and when we had ffot near to the channel to trv 
it, there appeared about fifty British and begun to fire 
at us and their balls fell by our heads and legs. The 
river being ruff I got twenty-four in all and we got about 
eighty and carried them on shore and were all called 
Brave fellows. And not long after I went home and was 
re})rimanded by my friends for my conduct but kept 
eight balls for years. 

And as our army had got almost around Boston they 
left it in the night of the 17th of March 1776 and not 
Long after got to New York and joyned genl. Clinton. 
But left some ships and small craft in Nantasket road. 
Next day the 18th of March our regiment went into 
Boston and made up of their barracks stoves and beer 
they left. One time I made a search in their cabins to 
see wdiat I could find and found one silver dollar and 
two others was found by my mate. Next day another 
search was made I found a raiser and one man found a 
gun or small arm. 

When we lay at Winter hill there was a house which 
stood Between Winter hill and Bunker hill; in order to 
save the house for our guards our folks almost did cover 
sd. house with turf and gravil so that the enemy could 

[151] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

not Beat it Down Avitli their Balls. Before the British 
left Boston they threw a shot and took an Adjts. head of 
;is I am informed. 

While they lay in Boston a man of theirs came so 
Tiear our lines got shot by our folks and Burried in such 
a manner as to see his red coat. xA.notlier time while in 
Boston they threw a shell and Broak on the ground and 
made a large hole. Before it reached our Works myself 
alone irot over the Breastwork and went some rods to 
the hole. Just as I had got there they threw a cannon 
ball and just cleared me and went over the Brestwork 
and took a man's ])oth legs off as I understood. We 
often threw our balls into Boston. Another time I w^as 
centinel over our grounded arms. While the party w^as 
fortifying they threw a cannon ball and struck the ground 
Near me and I got sd. ball and sold it for a shilling. 

Another time they threw a Shell into one of our forts 
and ript up the platform where a Cannon stood. A 
sentinel was on sd. platform and not killed. While the 
British was in Boston they Deprived the inhabitants of 
all their guns the ruins I saw in the old State House and 
likewise took u]) the pews in one meeting house to train 
their horses in. 

There ships lay in Nantaskett road and our general 
not being satisfied to see them there sent hundreds of us 
in the Night in flat bottom boats to Drive them off accord- 
ingly we went our oars all muffeled and landed on Nan- 
tasket hill. Previous to this Capt. Manley, or Mugford, 
sent in a prize through the gut so called at plesent point 
with a large quantity of powder, etc. Sd. ship got 
aground and for fear of their barges myself and hundreds 
saved the ship and cargo and a Very great prize foi" us. 

[ 152 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

But res[jectiii<>' their sliij)s in Nantasket road, we lay in 
readiness iintill Day brake and then begun to throw our 
cannon ball and cut away their rigin. The ships very 
quick got under way but set fire to some of their small 
craft, but we soon cleared the road. But they sent a 
Boat after they got out and Blew up the lighthouse this 
1 saw. 

Not long after the ship Capt. Mugford took was fixed 
under British colors and placed in sd. Nantasket rd. and 
a Number of their transports that was coming to Boston 
was made prizes to our people a number of British men 
was taken prisoners. We staid in Boston and round 
there and repaired the craft but found the cannon dis- 
armed 42 pounds and a num])er of smaller ones their 
arms off. 

In the summer of 177(j our troops left Boston and round 
there and set out for New York and went to Norwich 
then went on by water through hell's gate and our regi- 
ment stayd. in New York one night and went on to fort 
Independence and soon got to fort Washington. A battle 
was fought between fort Washington and New York and 
our regt. went to reinforce and just as w^e got to the 
Battle ground it ended. One man by the name of Bowden 
was killed. A Lynn man as I was informed — he be- 
h:)nged to another regiment. While we lay there our 
folks sent a fire ship towards New York to set fire to their 
shipping the men on board to swim on shore & have a 
bounty but did them no damage. 

One time I went on the outer guard towards York and 
we Sentanals was placed considerable Distance from each 
other and about mid Night I heard a party coming which 
I thought was the enemy. Being very much exposd I got 

[ b'5'M 



Lynn in the Revolution 

very much surprised But it turned out was our men in 
order to Duble the guard the Like I never knew before 
or since. The British ships would pass by fort Washing- 
ton up the North river and although we sunk vessels 
and shevorde freses so called could not stop them. 
Our gallies and general Washington's barge had to flee 
from the wharf up before these ships to prevent Being 
taken and run the galleys on shore. But one day we saw 
the barge coming back supposed her to be a British barge 
I was ordered with a party to place ourselves near the 
shore all loded to stop said barge and just about to fire 
Capt. Knox's Artilery threw a shot from the fort and 
killed several of our own men them I saw which was a 
sorrowful sight. 

While w^e lay at Fort Washington the plan of the fort 
was missing and conveyd to the enemy as was thought 
by the waiter a Black man to the Ingenear of the fort. 
Sd. black man was put under guard and was sentenced to 
rec. 10 lashes a Day untill he owned were it was. He 
was placed on his belly stretched out to four stakes his 
hands and feet on the ground. I have stood by and see 
the Blood run on the grass he had not been punished I 
suppose more than a week before the fort was taken 
But he pled not guilty. I never saw more of him. On 
the eastern part of sd. fort was a great gully and at the 
head of sd. gully we had large cannon. This part of sd 
fort was called the weakest part and as there troops come 
up this Narrow place our men with those heavy cannon 
cut as I was informed Lains through their ranks, but it 
was said the men at the cannon got all killed. The loss 
of our men there 2448. But before the fort got taken 
most of our regiment got sent over the river to fort Lee 

[ 154 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

and to releave those at fort Washington once a week 
and when the week ended myself and others was pre- 
pared to go over to releave about sunset, But was ordered 
to the tents to be ready at a minutes warning. What 
hindered us from going I never knew. Next morning the 
fort was taken and some of our Lynn men got taken and 
carried to York as prisoners and stayd there about six 
months and sent home on parole. The same day the 
British took the fort they moved up the river to cut gen- 
eral Washington and his men off. Then we at fort Lee 
had in great haste to flee and left cannon, a mortar, some 
clothes and some money, etc. and there being a small 
river northwest of the North River and a bridge over it, 
before we passed sd. bridge we made a stand to engage 
them. Myself w^th others put on a second shirt, not 
knowing but we must throw off our packs in an engage- 
ment, but they would not advance towards us. Then we 
took up the sd. bridge and went on but our case looked 
dismul and then about thirty of us was sent back in order 
to save some guards if possible that was left some way 
off when we left the fort. Accordingly we went down 
some miles and then with a boat got a part of sd. guards 
across sd. river. I had spoak for a meal of victuls of the 
Inhabitants, being very much wore out, But before I got 
it we was directed by one of our light horse men to flee 
or we should be cut off. Accordingly about thirty in all 
took to a swamp & could not get through by reason of 
a running crick. We found a dead man in sd. swamp 
and James Ramsdell of Lynn we lost in the swamp. 
But he got to camp again finally. We had to finally 
come out by the place we went in by — then it was candle 
light and that pestered us. The enemy was in a large 

[155] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

gully and their lights was burning. We consulted each 
other But very still. Some moved to go to them But 
others said No, But on the whole we movd. on and soon 
came to a town where part of the British was but very 
luckily we saw^ a man who was a friend tould wdiat street 
to take to clear them & soon got through the town not 
taken, and travild on to about midnight and Being much 
Exuasted myself and one more so failed we took to a 
stack of fodder. The others movd. on. But the Main 
body was miles ahead and while we lay in sd stack the 
enemy light horse men as we concluded passing by and 
a great fright it was to us for we thought we were gone. 
But it turned out we got to the main Body that Day, 
they being halted. Washington and we saw a trying 
scene thus for us all. We soldiers had but little time to 
eat or sleep. One time we borrowd a large iron kittle & 
put in it about a quarter of beef for our camp, while 1 
stood over it. We were soon obliged to leave it and it 
seemed to me as if I for one must starve. 

Soon after fifty of us under the command of a captain 
was called for by Washington to scuttle all the botes & 
Vessels in a river near where we lay. According we took 
axes and performed sd. duty except one which was sunk. 

Notwithstanding they drove us all to the town of Tren- 
ton in great haste and there I got sick with a fever and in 
a house lay on the floor were all the company was and 
after that I got into the garret, where I lay until two men 
by order of general Putnam took me down to a sloop 
that w\as taking in sick and put me in the hole which was 
full, and one ]3ied that lay by me and was hurried. 

Scores of us were sent to Philadel])hia & six men of 
Lynn was ])ut into a house that a tory had left and three 

[150] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

of sd. iiKMi (lied in tliat city, Halj)li Liiidsey, David 
Newman and Ephraim Twist. But myself, Stephen 
Coats and Chas. Florence was raised up a<>ain, although 
myself was so low the Doctor gave me a dose to kill or 
help me in two hours I was informed after I got to walk 
the room. I heard an officer say that twenty-five from 
the general ospittle was hurried in a Dav. 

While I was in Phila. Washington took near a thousand 
of germans holding Christmas eve at Trenton. But re- 
specting my sickness twas in November and December 
and my Lodging a hard floor and long nights & no 
Nurse at first and nothing more than the continental 
allowance for W^e went so sudden to that city small prep- 
aration was made for sick. But providential two women 
called at the door and found us in poor condition that 
they went home and sent us sugar ik tea and a long 
narrer bed to rest our heads and shoulders on. My 
being sick a long time and no clothes to shift for we found 
our Clothes that year ourselves I got very lowsy and 
flesh much gone. But soon after my time was out which 
ended Deer. 31, 1776, myself, Charles Florence and Stephen 
Coats left me, so all was parted. But in a short time I 
moved on as strength was given me and passing a house 
a woman sj^oke to me to help Lay out a soldier that had 
died there. But I passed along not being acquainted 
with such things, & Begd on my way home people gen- 
eraly was very kind But some was afraid of me. The 
people was willing to let me lay by the fire or on wheat 
straw; on my way I would have gone into a house but 
they refused my going in But brought me to the Barn 
some broth thicknd with cabbage. One day I got lost 
in the jerseys the road being poor and wandering about 

[ 1.57] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

I at last came to a house and opened the door without 
knocking and there Lay a woman sick with the small 
pox. They earnestly requested me to go on and soon 
found the road the red flag flying. My not having that 
disorder I was careful what I eat for 14 days, But altho 
many died on their way home I by the providence of god 
was preserved and when I got so near home as Chelsea 
there came a rain from south east and as I had no hat 
but an old military cap the rain run down my body and 
I was very sore by reason of Lice. I stopd at Decon 
Sargent's Barn and formed me a collar of dry seaweed 
& put it round my neck to keep me more comfortable. 
Altho I frightened horses that I met that evening after 
twenty-seven days got home and my friends put my old 
clothes in a swamp at Wood end & I got through many 
trying scenes that year 1776. 

Notwithstanding my sufferings was so great and at 
times at home very hard I by my captain and others was 
persuaded to inlist again Which I did on the 10th of 
March, 1777, which was for three years and soon went 
to Sewell's point not far from Boston. I had small pox 
by inoculation & paid the cost rather than to go to camp 
and have it there free from Expence. Soon after I got 
well set off as a waiter to Major Newhall who had been 
my captain in 1776. When I got to W'orcester the Lieut. 
Col was arrested for making paper money as I was 
informed and Major Newhall took his place & Capt. 
Allen was appointed major. By accident Major Allen 
got killed at Northampton While at home on furlough 
as I was informed by hunting, with his neighbors. I 
left Worcester and went to the Northward and there 
found the regt having the small pox by inoculation and 

[158] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

one John Hunt a Lynn man died by it although sd Hunt 
had been a nurse before. Soon after that the regt went 
on to Albany — half moon so called — and to Stillwater 
and fort Edward & fort Milton so called and there we 
found some men who had fled from Ticontiroga. They 
brought word that the British Army was coming and it 
soon prov true and they soon appeared and soon genl. 
Gates and all of us had to flee and the Inhabitants also. 
The British had with them many wild savige Indins 
who killed a Number of our men they keep in there front 
and Did us great damage. 

While we lay near West Point general Wain took Stoney 
point in the Night on surprise and found some of the 
American deserters and without Judge or Jury hung them 
up on trees as we were informed. A small part of our 
regt was there. A man of ours was w^alking with an 
Ax on his shoulder and fell and cut a cord in his Neck 
& Bled to Death. I was with him one night. 

While at the Northward in 1777 Near fort Edward 
my colonels horse was put out between our lines and there 
lines and I was ordered to git him to camp and on my 
way to the field he had got out, had I gone to the field 
I might have lost my life for their Indins killed a Number 
on guard near sd field. 

Soon after that our army had to retreat for that Army 
Drove not only us But the Inhabitants who left horses 
cows hogs Poltry & c. and our officers gave us liberty 
to take what we could keep. The Colonels mess had 
a good cow for some days and then Indans came on us 
and killed some men of ours and had to retreat again. 
While we had the Cow we made her fast at night to 
the tail of our Waggon she fell on the Way and got spoilt 

[ 159 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

& lost sd cow. Some one killed a hog which I see and 
sd hog I judged would have weighed 300 But lay spoil- 
ing I also saw 13 quarters of beef spoilt By the heat and 
carelessness. 

While in the service I waited on Col Newhall rising 
two year then did duty as privet as corporl & Orderly 
Sargent and last of Duty as steward of a Company. The 
colonl offered me warrant as sargent if I would reinlist 
during the war But refusd. 

Lieutenant Corey of our Brigade while on his way as 
a Deserter to the Enemy got stopt by our men and Brought 
Back and put under guard but what became of him I 
dont remember, and a brother of his an Ensign, a free 
Mason, he conducted so bad that he w\as disowned by 
the Lodire as we w^ere informd. After fort Stanox was 
taken by the* Americans three hundred of Indins that 
had been fighting against us come and joyned our gen- 
eral Gates. Myself alone Being out of camp in the 
Country came across them. I liad my fears of being 
killed or taken not knowing anything of it. But wdien 
I spoke to them in there language I soon found them 
friendly. My fears then left me and after they got to 
our camp there was great sculping on the side of the 
British and ours. I was at the house where Jenny 
McCrea Livd and Saw at home an old Lady. Twas 
near fort Edward were our army lay But she and the old 
Lady past through our lines to go to the British and on 
there w^ay Burgoynes Indins killd her and not hurt the 
old lady as we were informed and sculpt Jenny and killed 
one of our Lieuts and some soldiers. The soldiers were 
hurried in the woods and our folks got her body and the 
Officer and bronght into cam]) and both Bnrried accord- 

[160] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

ing to the honors of war. Myself and many hundred 
attended tlie funeral and a solemn time it was. 

There Indins killd some of our solders AVhen on Sentry 
and killd some of our bakers while making bread. They 
fired into camp and we had to retreat again and Retreated 
to Saratoga and after more force came in we made a 
Stand, But the Indins on both sides Dayly was sculp- 
ing. I saw many sculps they brought in on our side for 
the Indins would call at Col Morgans for rum and I by 
the Cols orders would deal it out to them for their Bounty 
was Rum. 

Burgoynes Indins killed a woman and five children 
But there father got out of his Window and made his 
escape. He died since as I read in the Newspapers ris- 
ing a hundred and the case of his family was mentioned 
in tlie newspaper. 

We had in a house up chamber a Small guard. An 
Indin of theres got within gunshot and fird into the Win- 
dow it being open and killed one of the guard But before 
he got far the guard fired and killd him. His body was 
given to our Indins and they took of his sculp and Drest 
it with the hair still on and hung it up on a pole in gen- 
eral Larneds Brigade, on a pole about 20 feet for a flag 
But would strike the flag at Night this they Did for Days. 

An Indin of Ours Drew provision with us in the Morn- 
ing But was so unfaithful was caught Before night in 
firing against us on the British side. There Indins 
killd Col Alden of our Brigade at Cherry Valley so called 
and a number of his guard that was with him and carred 
of his major as we were informed. The Indins killd 
Col Nixons horse When on sd horse sd Nixon w^as also 
of our Brigade. 

[161] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

Our Indins took a man alive and While passing me 
they were Stabino; the ])Oor man in the face Which caused 
me to feel for him But had to say Nothing, But I see the 
blood running But what became of him I cannot tell. 
Our Indians brought in two men at another time and 
gave out Word that they would Burn them to Death. 
I got up in the Night with others to see the sight. We 
placed ourselves so as the Indins could not see us But 
saw a great fire and the prisoners But the general caused 
them to be taken from them altho they suffered much. 
Those Indins killed an officer while at a spring and Shot 
a solder through his neck, him I see but I think he dyed 
Aaron Nurse of Lynnfield was one of the three, sd Aaron 
made his escape by giting into a large hollow Log the 
sd Indins went over the Log as I hear him say. 

Another time the Indans killd a number of men one 
morning so that We had to flee. While at the North 
a man had by the Indans a Ball lodgd in his pack but 
hurt not the man. Another time the Indans shot a 
solders great toe off Which caused him to make a great 
Aden But the solders black garded him for such a trifle. 
The Indins proved the worst of men. 

One time while our Army was on the move myself 
with about six others were passing a house. The man 
stood on the step of his door w^ho Spoke to us saying the 
men Ahead had carried off all his pigs. On that we told 
him w^e saw the sow and jjart of pigs go behind his house, 
on that he left the door and very soon we heard guns 
& some of the men went to see What happnd & soon 
found the man shot through and Being on the Bank of 
a small River We took the man and family down stream 
But he Dyed next morning. He said torys shot him, he 
was an inhabitant. 

[ 1<^^ J 



Lynn in the Revolution 

Hut after great Destruction by the Indans the British 
general and genl CJates agreed to put a stoj) to all sculp- 
ing for great havock was made on both sides that both 
arniys grew more less. Another time our folks thought 
fit to give the Enemy a few shot and myself was looking 
on. They returned the fire and took one of our mens 
head off and then both stopt firing, the mans brains I 
saw. While there four of us were ordered to iro Back 
towards there lines to get grass for our horses with knives, 
in a })lace that was Dangerous & While there a part of 
us placd ourselves on stumps of trees while the others 
were cuting, But succeeded to get Back safe. 

Respecting being lowsey Colo. Newhall observed one 
time it was Difficult for him to keep clear of them for 
they likt clean clothes. Six of our regt lived together 
called the Lowsey Mess. One day there tent took fire 
and it was Judgd the aforesaid lost there Lives at that 
time. I heard of an officer dining with genl Washington. 
While siting at the generals table a Lous appeared on 
)ne of sd officers ruffels, on that the officer put it back 
in his bosom with orders not to leave head quarters again. 
One Night in winter time lodging was so poor that in 
the morning was all snow by reason of a Driving snow 
storm. 

A singular case took j)lace by a man by the name of 
Barker. He was a tory and left his family with his neigh- 
bors and went to New" York. Not long after the Enemy 
Drove us from a town calld Coldbrook and Barker 
came home and was Determined to have revenge on one 
of his Neighbors. This Neighbor got some notice of 
it and he and his wife fled about half a mile to a poor 
j)lace by reason of Poverty. He and his wife while lay- 

[103] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

ing by the fire Barker with a gang surrounded sd house 
and swore he would have the husbands heart blood, on 
that the man took to the Chamber for fear But Barker 
followed him and killed him dead, and after the Enemy 
& Barker returned to York. I thought I would go and 
see where he was killed and got from the man of the 
house the Information what distress they saw. Re- 
specting soldiers too generally they Would for choice 
reather go to Battle than to here preaching, and but few 
religious men in camp. Some would lye, some would 
steal, git drunk, break open around, steal money from 
a man's desk and fether bed. And as to women would 
live with a man as Long as Both could agree and then 
would soon find another mate. 

Respecting battles at the North the first was fought 
on the 19th of Sept. 1777 and a bloody time it was and 
our regt broke their ranks and went to Plundering the 
Dead, and after it was over our head Colnl Rufus Put- 
nam who was of Brookfield gave strict orders that in 
case of another battle he would take the life of anyone 
of his regt if he found them to do the like again. A great 
number of our wounded lay by fires on the cold ground 
all night. Reuben Dunnell, a Lynn man, I saw the next 
morning wounded with a Large Number but never 
saw him afterwards. I saw a young man who was shot 
through both nose and eyes, he was then alive. The 
enemy took a captain of ours who was mortaly wounded 
and put him in a barn between the Lines. We could 
hear him cry bitterly but what became of him I never 
knew. Twas thought the enemy ment to take our men, 
Whoever came to take the Captain away. 

The 2d battle was on the 7th. Oct. same year and 

[ 164 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

Many lost their Lives there and I heard an offieer say 
his Company left 17 men in one of these Battles. Our 
folks took some heavy cannon from them and the Enemv 
retook them again antl our men took them Back and I 
found in the mouth of one of them Live powder about 
one pound and took it to my Quarters — it seems the Last 
Cartridge got Ijroke. But after the Battle We put there 
Army to flight and entering there works there stood a 
german on his post as a sentnal. Our Adgt called on 
one of his men to shute him down. Accordingly the 
poor man lost his life and the officers reprimanded him 
for such conduct. But sd Adgt made light of it. Then 
We as a flying camp pressed them and they being in 
great haste Left behind there sick in there hospitals to 
our mercy and some of them I saw and we followed 
hard after them and took a Capt. and fifty men, a bag- 
gage guard and in that plunder we took Burgoynes 
Marquee and I with the officers Livd in it for some time. 
I got for myself a great coat Which did me much good 
of the plunder. The road being poor their horses failed 
and Died on the road and they left on sd road a Waggon 
of small arm cartridges and Wheels of a cannon, the 
cannon was found afterwards as I understand and when 
they had got to a Village they set it on fire and we found 
it burning. 

And they got across Scylers Mills creek and got on a 
hill which proved their last stand, and while they lay on 
sd hill our general reinforced from many quarters and 
almost surrounded them, and there being high moun- 
tains round them We threw our shot into there camp, 
so that there general requested a cessation of arms for 
three days and it w^as granted. We sent in three flags 

[ l«-5 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

of truce so called, J5ut yet they would not give uj^, the 
mean while we lieard that Genl Clinton at New York 
Dispached a Large Body of men that w^as coming uj) the 
North river to place us between two fires. On that 
our general got determined to put them all to the sword. 
On one morning our army was ordered to go on and our 
Briirade marched to the fore mentioned creek. Before 
we entered the water my conl Dismounted his horse and 
ordered me on the bank to take care of his horse untill 
further orders. Then our folks entered the water and 
while crossing sd creek the enemy on their hill kept 
firing and they only w^ounded two of our folks for they 
overshot our jjeople and the Balls flew by me in such 
a manner While I stood on the bank every minute ex- 
pected to l)e killd. While standing there an officer 
ordered me with the horse from that spot, But before 
I left a Doctor of theres, a deserter calld on me to know 
where headquarters of ours were. I soon on that showed 
him and he left me. But the orders of taking them was 
countermanded and the Brigade crossed back. Both 
my colonels observed that one Ball likt to struck his leg- 
in the water. 

By some means we lost Sargent Colson by Being taken 
that time But got him back after they Surrendered. 
To say something of there giving up, Burgoyne agreed 
to lay down his arms in good order but provd otherwise. 
But when they came out it was to us a splendid sight. 
First Burgoyne and his generals, Next graneders. Light 
Infintry, iVrtilery, common battelons and last of all the 
germans and a glad day for them for they was pleased 
But the British seemed quite cross. But Birgoyne and 
his generals Dind together with genl gates on a small 

[166] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

hill, there ])ein<;' awning taken from vessels plaeed some 
like a manjuee. 

In the afternoon same day our army marehed with them 
sd afternoon a!id all that nii»ht down towards Albany. 
Then bv lot <>eneral (ilover of ]\Iarbleliead with his 
Brigade <in<>i"(led that annv Dow^n to Cambridge and 
soon our rejj^t went to Albany for winter quarters and in 
that eity was three hundred ])risoners of war taken before 
there army <iav(> np. In the eity great Misehief was 
(lone. One cireuinstance was one Capt. Twogood com- 
manded the Main guard and it being a Very Cold Day 
he found one solder to have his Mittens on. On that 
he oidered them off of one Thomas Taylor and he not 
willing to ol)ey sd captain began to ratin him. On that 
sd Taylor club})ed his peace and sunk the stock in the 
(•aj)tains head and he fell. Sd. Capt. was carried out 
of the city I think he died, and the sokler was confined 
and by the Court Marshell sentcd to receive five hundred 
Lashes one hundred a morning till it was through. I 
saw Tailor after that and he appeared on the Decline But 
finaly got better and run away and left them. Another 
solder of our regt Shot a Black woman in such a manner 
that hei- life was in Despair But think she lived. A 
Black girl stole her Masters Bridies for one of those three 
hundred ])risoners above mentioned, a white man, and 
her blaster causd her to be whipt at the Public whiping 
Post and I see the stripes Laid on. 

Towards spring of 1778 we left Albany and Went more 
toward New York on the North River. One time my- 
self and five others with a Corpral had the care of a black- 
snn'ths traviling forge on wheels, taken from the British 
at Saratoga and we could get no provisions for Near a 

[ 167 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

week, the mean time I was almost starvd tlio I got a 
meal out of a barrel of hogs swill of one of the inhabi- 
tants. At length sd corporal got a Due Bill and sould 
it for money unbenown to us and got a furlough home 
to old Derry and never saw him afterwards. 

One of our men was killd by Lightning and about 
twenty wounded Near West point. After that we moved 
more towards New York to a town calld Coldbrook. 
While there some British light horse came to us, the men 
I saw & also the horses. But soon the enemy drove us 
from there and killd Barretts cows and Distroyed his 
f ether beds Where we had lived as I was informed. 

One morning our folks took an old man prisoner who 
w^as once a Lord in England and gave him some break- 
fast. One of there Barges in the Night Near a town 
called Sing Sing was Landing were we had a guard unbe- 
nown to them, the guard took part of them that had 
landed but the Barge got away, part of them I saw. On 
one of our movements Mrs. Brunson who had a hus- 
band and children in camp with us Was on a march 
there came a heavy rain and this family got into a Very 
leaky Barn and in the Night was taken ill and sent for 
our Doctor. According he went and in the Barn another 
child was Born. But what was singular she sent to the 
Colnl for a glass of Rum for a Morning Dram Which I 
deliverd. The Doctor observd she had suffered much. 
One time I was at a house and saw a man with an un- 
common Beard. In asking why he wore so long a Beard 
his answer was Because the solders had stole his rasor 
and seemed much put out. A man of ours for breaking 
the Marshall law had to ride a sharp rail and two men 
carrying him one at each end of sd rail and two men 

[ 168 ] 






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Lynn in the Revolution 

cairvin*;" liiin one at each side of sd rail and many other 
ways l)isol)edient men was jninishd. The poor fellow 
rode very nneasy. A waiter one time that livd in the 
tent with me Went out into the Bushes and found a dead 
i^ritish sohk'r and took oif his red coat and J5rought it 
to Camp and Wore sd coat when in camp. A man of 
ours wliiie fi^oint;' to cut timber having on his sliolder an 
ax fell and cut the cord of his Neck. I myself with others 
set with him in the Night But the poor man Bled to Death. 
In our company was four Negros Namd Jeptha Ward, 
Job U})ton, Duglass Middleton and Pomp Simmons and 
{){irt of them calld on me after there time was out they 
had been good solders. 

The Adjutant of our Regt. one time on our march 
jumpt over into a mans garden to steal fruits & c. the 
men followed him like Sheap, the Colonel found it out 
and put sd officer under an Arrest and not Blamd the 
men that followed him. One time the sd Adjutant was 
floging a solder in such a manner my fears was he would 
kill the man, on that I Begd heartily for him and by that 
means the officer forbair floging him. My living in the 
same mess with the officer think it had some good effect. 
To accommodate us they would have one man to Preach 
in English they themselves was Duch tho not constant 
and when a note Avas to be read the Decon with a small 
pole with a spear on one end would hand it up to the 
minister. And when a collection was made would reach 
a file with a silk small ])ag on one end from Seat to seat 
and at a Funeral would ring a bell. A curious house I 
saw there with winding stairs whicli a man might safely 
go up But very great Difficulty could get Down. I'liese 
I tryd. 

[ 169 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

111 the city a german officer was Burried and at the 
grave the minister wliile performing the service luid in 
his hand a very little spade and while praying or reading 
he kept the gravel going slowly on the coffin, the like I 
never saw before. While in Albany the major tould the 
colonel he ment to kill a deer altho the colonel donbted 
it. One morning abont Snnrise the major called to me 
to go to the door aiul Bring in from the horse one. 
Thongh I doubted it I went and found one and we had 
Venison. While in that city two Indian chiefs Lodgd 
where we livd over Night Bound to headquarters, they 
appeared very friendly. While in that city I made some 
shoes with two British prisoners, they thretened to fight 
me again after they got exchangd but observed to them 
I hoped war would soon end. I saw in Albany a black 
man and woman fighting, the man with an ax the woman 
with a broom and we had some trouble to part them & 
also saw two w^omen fighting and they fit like hearty 
fellows. 

One time in returning from the country I fell in with 
five young women Bound to camp. She that led of was 
riding a horse as men ride But still kept her sitting & 4 
follow^ing after, but soon left them and saw part of them 
next day in our Brigade. 

The Enemy one time sent a Sloop up the North River 
a flag and we put on Board three men to see that good 
order was there. They waid ancor and carried the men 
to York and our general demanded them again. 

Jacob Davis, who once lived in Lynn, lost his life 
while standing by the Armours vice. In the vice was a 
gun the armour was filling and being loded She took fire 
and shot him through the body. I was with him all 

[170] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

night before he died, he stated he had been shot through 
before at Bunker Hill in 1775. P^benezer Williams that 
once lived at Woodend with Joshua Collins was under 
the sentence of death for Deserting and Never saw them 
since. One time while in the country I put up at a house 
over Night and the man of the house was sick, about 
mid Night I was calld on to go in a heavy snow storm 
for a mid wife for his wife, according I went about half 
a mile & got the Womanhelp, they thankd me and gave 
me lodging supper and breakfast and then was informed 
that a child was born. 

By general Washington's order 1 was with a party of 
200 men in Building a Bridge. The head officers was 
Colol Carlton and Colol Newhall of Lynn and some of 
the party was wdiipt for stealing and after that the party 
was ordered to fire there volleys of powder on the 17th of 
Oct. 1778, it being the Day of the month the Northern 
army gave up, and while Adjnt Tucker of Gloucester 
was giving the word to fire one of the fellows twas thought 
that had been whi|)t tho not known, fird a ball and 
insted of killing Tucker the Dog w^as killed that stood by 
him. It was judgd he ment Tucker for sd Tucker was 
the man to see the stripes laid on. 

While in camp my Pocket Book was stole and papers 
and my hard money about $1.50 which I set much l^y 
and never got it again, it seamd the soldiers thought But 
little of a Future state altlio much exposd. 

While in camp I w as directed to go to Eest point before 
general Washington and git of him an order to Draw 
some money at the office there, accordingly I went and 
got the order and money. An other time and others was 
ordered to go and take a stack of wdieat from an inhabi- 

[171] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

tant for our horses. The man was angry and threatened 
to have us before a justice observing his family was in 
want of it, altho it luirt my feelings We had to take it. 

One time my self and hundreds left our tents as a flying 
camp before the Northern army Was taken and had to 
lay five Nights successively on the ground in the month 
of October. But had a large tree standing over our 
heads. We have had several times to march all Night. 
Another time the Enemy threw a Cannon Ball and took 
a mans head off; the Body our folks took away But the 
brains was left on the spot, myself and two others took 
into our hands sd Brains to have that sayd. Another 
time I saw a man hung for a crime in the fore part of 
the Day and he hung untill Near Sun set in order twas 
said to strike a Dread to Bad men. Another time I went 
to see a Number of poor men in prison and some confind 
to the flore condmd to Die, they appeard as sollem as 
the grave. I think they was reading the Bible & other 
good books, it was to me a sollem sean. 

While I have Been Traviling I have left Blood on the 
snow by reason of poor Shoes and stockings. 

I saw twenty four germans and one British officer all 
Dead laying in a spot that our folks took off the Battle 
ground at Saratoga. The wounded we took of theres was 
sent by our general out to the Country and a British 
Doctor was permitted to pass through our Camp to those 
wounded men, him I saw on a horse Blind folded a man 
leading the horse. 

Another time the Enemy from their Vessels Landed 
near Things ferry on the jersey side Where hundreds of 
us lay. We all formed a line for a Battle But standing 
there for them to advance some time there Came a Very 

[172] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

heavy showr of Rain and j)ut it Back. The Damage 
they Did was Burning some Building and carried off a 
([uantity of Shad and took to tliere vessels. 

Colonel Newhall of Lymi and a Colol from Salem by 
order of general Washington with two hundred of us 
Built a Bridge across a river in Connecticut. The Salem 
Colol Lost his fetlier bed by the British at the Northward 
and in order to spite them as I heard him say he Never 
would sleep again in a fetlier bed while in the x\rmy But 
Slept in a Bunk and Colol Newhall slept in a Live fetlier 
Bed in the same room that I often made, he was a singu- 
lar man. While we lay in Albany I have seen some of 
the British White men Who was taken prisoners before 
there Army gave up Bound out of the city in a Double 
Slay load with all Black girls as a party of pleasure. 
One time at the Northward our men took a Bear from 
the Enemy altlio the Bear was not willing to yield. 

Another time I saw^ a young man hung where hundreds 
had to be present and among the rest a Brother of his 
had to be their Which to me Seemed hard and altho 
Wicked as the men Were I found a great many was 
effected. Another circumstance was two of the Seijents 
of our Regt was caught in Dressing a calf that they stole 
from an inhabitant, they Both were confind under guard 
and tryd by a court Marshall and sentencd and each of 
them reed, fifty stripes and placd in the ranks to remain 
soldiers. 

I have seen pretty young men Whipt a Number of 
tiTiies for Breaking the Marshall law they being ignorant 
of its strickness and being out for a Short time in Camp 
and Set on by the old Continentals. Two men stole a 
sheep, before they got her skin off they had to carry sd 

[173] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

Sheep through the camp made fast to a long pole, the 
Drums Beating the rogues March and scores of men 
looking on. 

A soklier of our Regt By the name of Joplin met in 
the Street in x\lbany two British Sargents and the sd 
joplin being a nasty small hump Back fellow, these Brit- 
ish Sargents look very Neat and Clean & to take him 
off Calld on joplin to know how many regulars he had 
killd, his answer to them was many Better looking fel- 
lows than they, on that they left him, he was counted 
a ffood soldier. A man Who had Just shavd an officer 
went on guard and soon was killd by Indins. In trav- 
iling I w^ent to a house with soar feet and Stopt a Day 
or two and made the woman of the house a pair of shoes 
& made welcome. A man at West point got Bit by a 
rattlesnake Which put him in great Distress But cannot 
tell whether he livd. Respecting Religion It was at a 
Very low Ebb in our Land and also in camp much Lower. 
In the years service a religious man offerd to pray Dayly 
in our company and accordingly Did for a short time 
But was put by officers and soldiers not willing to At- 
tend. But in the three years service one Mr Smith acted 
a chaplain for our Brigade and a good Preacher. One 
sermon was from St. Luke, 3 chap 14 verse, that soldiers do 
violence to no man Nor accuse any falsely But be Content 
with there Wages, altho he held to the idea of Wages 
being made Better many was angry at what he said on 
that point. I took with me a Bible in the three years 
service But by some means it got over board in the North 
river altho it was in the colonels Chest and this gave 
joy to some soldiers But I got it again. 

Colonel Carn mentioned before Was a very profain 

[174] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

r>aiiii old man Near 00 years. His feet that lie first had 
lie stated he turned into the eontinentle store and made 
a I5ad Haroain by gitino" tliein. He had them and was 
determined not to ehan^e them more. Hut make them 
last. 1 livd in a house with him, he had one Nathaniel 
Needham his waiter, But a near sighted man, faithful 
tlio slow. The old man often calld on me to Wait on 
him. One time he ordered me to git his horse and go 
and git a quantity of Eggs into the eountry and reather 
than to fail to go to heavens gates and tell st Peter it was 
his orders that he send him some. I set off and calld 
at many houses and got some and returned and brought 
home to the old man, it was Late in the Season But I 
returned that Day. 

While at the Northward among many that was there 
We saw a soldier who twas thought to be a Woman by 
the Speaeh and looks But I never knew what the soldier 
was. One time I called at a house to git supper, the 
family had hastipuden we call it. But in some places 
I have been they calls it mush, others supon. I was asked 
wliich I choose sweet milk or sower. I answered sweet 
and among the family one woman for choice chose hogs 
fat this I saw and she ate it with a relish. 

Another time I saw in a house a child in the cradle 
its eyes filld with snuff in great Distress. While in the 
army I have been a numlier of times out into the country 
for officers Who furnish me with a horse for cartin 
things and had an opportunity to see the Ways and man- 
ners of the people. 

One time it happened our officers Was gone, some on 
Duty and some on furlow. An inspection of the com- 
pany and regt was to be made and I was Directed to 

[175] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

make out the rool. x\ccordingly I stated that such of 
the officers as Were absent, where they was and as to 
the men on guard, Some on furlows, some sick & c. 
and made out our number and placd myself on the right 
of the company and handed to the inspector sd return 
an it readly past tho I was only a soldier, But acted as 
orderly sergent. 

I have lain all Night in the Low Bushes and made a 
Booth of them over my head by Drawing them together 
to keep off the Dampness of the Night, where many 
rattle Snakes livd and not got bit. 

A head Colol and his Lieut. Colol was Confederate in 
sending home to there familys a Continental Waggin 
load of provisions in the time of great want in camp and 
other places. They Both got Arrested and the head 
Colol being an Arch fellow got clear, the other broke and 
sent home. Not long after the Lt. Colol came to camp 
and those both got into a dispute and the Colol had him 
that was sent home put under guard which was thought 
was much Mortifying to him that was Broke. One of 
our Captains a Drinking man, at a grog shop wounded 
a soldier in Such a manner with his cut lash, was Broke 
and sent home to Salem, Massachusetts. 

One time a Soldier made fast to the tail of a Waggon 
he being Detirmined not to go to camp But the poor fel- 
low had to follow on. One time a soldier went to sleep 
in his Blanket and a ratle snake took a place with him 
& the Soldier killd sd snake before they awoke the 
man. 

Another soldier got asleep below high water mark and 
while there the Tide came and awoke him. That was 
in Trenton. One time while sailing up the North river 

[ 176 ] 




















-:rt'-# I -'^ 



^ '^- 




Lynn in the Revolution 

we I^ost a soldier over Boai-d in tlio Ni^lit, no Doiil)t 
drowned. 

The time oeneral Sullivan went ba(;k to the Indian 
settlements with a lar^e Body of men thev Destroyed 
all & drove them baek Except an aged Indian, with him 
they left beef and flower to live on thinkin<>; he Could 
Do no hurt as they Brou<^ht Word. 

One time in traviling in the Country I j)ut up at Night 
not knowing that they were Torys and in the morning 
offerd them iny paper Money, But reather than take it 
I was made Welcome for they then observed that thev 
had nothing to do w^ith such as that. Another time a 
Soldier caught a Live snake and put it in anothers Bosom, 
the Snake run round his Back in such a manner that it 
])ut the soldier almost Distracted. Capt Shays who rose 
against our state government Belong to our Regt and a 
good officer counted. 

On the first Day of January 1780 in the morning about 
Day, being entering on the last year with the three year men 
they agreed to turn out to fire three volleys on the occa- 
sion and for that conduct my Colol had some of them 
Whipt by tying them u}) to Trees, altho many in the 
same Brigade did the like, But there officers being more 
liLiman took no Notice of it and the fears in our Reirt 
was that there would be a meeting But it })ast off. I 
have been ordered to load my peace Scores of times 
for guarding and for Battle but Never fired on the enemy 
which seems remarkable. My gun I allowed 13 dollars 
for out of my Bounty was witheld by the officers and 
nothing allowed me for it when discharged. 

Previous to the British Army being taken they come 
with such power and we had to retreat. The inhalii- 

[177] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

tants was put in great Distress & fled before us leaving 
there all Except a few things behind. We had liberty 
to take Horses, cows hogs sheap and all sorts of poltry 
&c. and anything out of there houses that we could 
keep. One man left behind a Hogshed of Mollasses and 
the men took all that into camp kittles & other things, 
myself got out of a house some shoemaker tools. I lost 
my Dayley Jornal on the retreat & '[ever got it. This 
was at the Northward. 

I saw a Large number of Torys that was taken at 
Bennington Battle under the care of a Large guard. 
While standing by them, when halted, a Woman stood 
by and Chargd one of them saying he was the scoundrel 
that killd her husband But had no answer from him, 
she appeard Very Angreay. 

In 1777 our Regt. quartered in Albany that winter. 
In 1778 the Regt. Lay in tents all winter at a Place 
calld Soldiers fortune, Named by my Colol who saw a 
hard Winter there. In 1779 Lay at the same place in 
huts of our ow^n Building so open that snow has cov- 
ered me on a stormy night, But after all my suffering on 
the 17th of Jany 1780 got a Discharge by changing places 
with a man who was to serve up to the 10th of March 
following by the Colol consent. Thus ended the three 
last years service and got away from the war Which 
provd a sore calamity. Many other strange things I 
Could mention But finilv forbeir. 



[ 178 ] 



Supplement 

Our Indians took two men which had Done some 
ingery to our Countiys Cause & brought them to camp 
alive, gave out woi I tliat they would Burn them on a 
Certain Night, myself and many others went about 
midnight to see the Dreadful scan. They built a large 
fire for that purpose, But after those men was brought 
& tormented by them near sd fire our general causd them 
to be taken away tho it w^as said they was almost Dead. 
They was so unfaithfull to our Camp that one of them 
Drew provisions in the morning with us & that same 
Day was taken fighting against us & Committed to the 
main Guard which Colol Newhall commanded at that 
time. A Dreadful liavock they inade But I forbair. 

Some singular circumstances turned up; one Circum- 
stance was by lightning which was singular. One flash 
Come & kill one man wdio had been home and just 
got back to camp while he was in his tent with others & the 
same flash w^ounded between twenty & thirty of our 
Brigade. We lay there Near w^est point after this We 
movd down the North river. Near King ferry in a town 
calld Colobarock While laying there some of the enemys 
light horse Came to us by Desarting w^hich I saw them 
coming out. Our Colol major Adjent & Doctor quar- 
tered at Mr. Barretts myself & two others. While lay- 
ing there the Enemy rushd on us in such a manner we 
wnth the regiment had to flee, Mr. Barrett having no 
protection under general Clinton at New York these 

[ 179 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

IJritans took liis fetlier Beds and Distroyed them out 
at Ids door and killd Ids Cows Near a dozen. One 
Barker a tory wlio come witli those men, kilkl one of 
his Near Neighbors in Coul Blood, altho the man 
ciyd for quarter. This miscreant man lived very Near 
Barker before said Barker went to New York. The Brit- 
ish had often been up the river Near this town, one time 
sent up a barge to steal provisions but in landing w^e 
happened to have a guard close by, before the Guard 
fired on them one man had Got on shore & hid himself 
in a fox Burrow which we took after he Lay there all 
that Night. It was thought our Guard killd near all in 
sd Barge but she got away. 

Not far from this time General Wain of ours beseagd 
Stony point fort in the Night, part of our regt was with 
him. We took them upon Surprise being in the Night 
they had but little time to fight the general took many 
of them not dressd he also took some who had Desertd 
from us and hung them up on trees without judge or 
jury as I was in formd. 

Capt. Shays who rose against our state government 
Belong in our regt in the three years service and respected 
as a very good officer, was very good to his men. Lieut 
Cory of sd regt was going to Desert to the Northern Army 
But was Detected &: put under Guard. Ensign Cory, 
a brother of his belong to the Lodge of Masons he got 
very Drunk at one of there meetings & Distroyd much 
glass Wair at the Inn & was turnd out of the Lodge 
as we were informd. 

One time myself and two others w^as passing in a field 
& saw a shell Coming in the air straight for us the two 
who were with me Drojjt themselves in a Ditch & I run 

[180] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

out sideways the shell Jiroak in the air <Sc we got }>art 
of it which fell about were we was walking. It was 
calhl a 13 Inch shell. At another time I was ordered 
to go to a field «!i: Bring out the Colols horse before I 
liad got to sd field 1 found sd horse in the bushes, liad I 
a gone to the field no Doubt the Indins woukl have had 
me for they killd five men on Centry near sd fiehl. Our 
folks took a field })eice to Drive the Indians Back & they 
shot Colol Nixon's horse tlirough his liead. 

At these times cows was free for us the Inhabitants 
being gone. We had a very Nice Cow for some Days 
would tye over Night at tlie Colols Waggon, one morn- 
iuir the enemv ralied on us & killd a number of our men 
•Js: ])ut our camp very suddenly to flight, so sudden that 
the Waggon was got under w^ay before the Cow was cast 
off, it being a very Narrov/ road many Waggons was 
following ours. The Cow fell on hiir side & she was 
held in that manner a Considerable Distance before we 
could cut lier away. At Night myself and one more 
went Back to find the cow & found her laying on the 
ground, like stupid mortals exposd our lives for such a 
trifel But it hap])ened we met with no harm. At another 
time we Lay on a hill Drew our water at the foot of sd 
hill, the Colol observd to me not to go any more there 
for water as the Colol knew the enemy movements bet- 
ter than myself. I left Drawing Water there the Indians 
very soon after that time killd one of our officers near 
this sd spring «is: we soon left this hill. O how many w^ays 
I was exposd. 

A number of times while Waiting on Colol Newhall 
he has gave me his pocket book & the effects and Charge 
of otlier things with a request to see that his children 

[181 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

have if ever I should have an opportunity, he being more 
exposd at these times then myself. 

One morning about Brake of Day Ezra Moulton Being 
as Centnal at Colol Newhalls door fell on his post to the 
ground which was Very uncommon. The Colol being 
a Very human man orderd me to git the man a Dram 
and he recovered from the ground and Drank the same 
Which seemed to him very agreeable. 

One day While cooking I took out my pocket Book 
to git a neidle to mend my puden bag & just turnd my 
Back & lost it with my hard money & all my papers, 
the money I set by not knowing but I might be taken 
Prisoner. The Colol advisd me to Advertise and ofer 
a reward which I did to no purpose. 

Part of these years I had a Watch which had no 
Cristle finely sould it to Colol Breed for he Delt in 
Watches. 

On the first day of Jany 1776 I Joind the Army as a 
Soldier at Winter hill Near Boston, was Discharged in 
Philadelphia on the 31st December following. Did duty 
in the ranks that year and on the 10th of March 1777 
I again inlisted for three year and W^aited on Colo Newhall 
rising two year and after that was Steward to a Com- 
pany untill my Discharge in 1780, Jany the 17th. 

Winter quarters in 1777 was in Albany. 

Winter quarters in 1778 was Near West point calld 
Soldiers fortune. Lay in tents all winter. 

In 1779 quartered at Soldiers fortune again. Lived 
in huts of our own Building and discharged on the 17th 
of Jany 1780. 

The three years Service I was of John Nixon's Brig- 
ade, Rufus Putnam's regt Capt. Williams Compy — the 

[ 182 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

other three regts was Graton's, Thos. Nixons & Aldens 
and he was killd by Iiidins at Cherry Vally, so calld. 

I sohl 1780 Dollars in two notes of paper money to 
Benja. Johnson for 30 Dolls, in silver which I had for 
serving in the Revolution about the close of the War. 

The names of those who obtained a pension under the 
act of 1831. 

Harris Chad well Theop. Bacheller 

Galley Newhall John Willis 

Josiah Rhodes Saml. Mansfield 

James Newhall D. Watts 

Timothy Newhall. 

The names of those of Lynn Who has and do draw a 
pension. 

Fredk. Breed Ebenzr Richardson 

James Nourse Ephrm Bailey 

Isaac Organ Lewis Bruce 

William Tarbox David Tufts 

Amos Blanchard Henry Hallowell 

All of us begun under the act of 1818. 



[ 183 ] 



Biographical Sketches 



Ahokx. Aahox. — priviite, son of Eljenezer and Mary (Goodale) Aborn, 
was horn in I^ynnfield, October 1, 1757; married in Danvers, December 
.SI, 1779, by Uev. Benjamin Wadsworth, to Pluebe Pope, of Danvers; 
died about 1788. Plid'be Pope married, second, Francis Sheldon, of 
Salem, Sej)tember 20, 1788. Aaron Aborn's name appears on the 
muster-roll of Captain Nathaniel Bancroft's minute company which 
marched on the alarm of April 1^, 177.5, but he is credited with but 
twenty-four miles of travel, which would indicate that he did not reach 
tlie scene of the conflict, probably receiving the alarm too late. He en- 
listed May 11, 177.J, in Captain Gideon Foster's company. Colonel 
John Mansfield's regiment, and served two months and twenty-five days. 
He again enlisted in Ca})tain John Baker's company in the same regi- 
ment, and served until January 1, 1776, performing duty during the 
siege of Boston. His service being for eight months, he was given a 
bounty coat at Winter Hill, October '■27, 177a. 

Aborx, Ebexezek. — j)rivate, son of Ebenezer, was baptized in Lynnfield, 
March '2-2, 1724; married Mary Goodale, of Danvers, November 9, 1752; 
died in Lynnfield, ^larch 8, 179'2. The wife, Mary, died December 
9, 1773, aged forty -four, and he married, second, Catherine Jeimessey 
(in Lynn records, Katherine Jemmeny), of Salem, December 18, 1777. 
He joined the Lynnfield chm-ch, of which he became warden in 177'2, 
on the '20th of July, 1760, being then known as Ebenezer, Jr. His chil- 
dren were Ebenezer, Aaron, James, and Patty, of which Ebenezer and 
Aaron were in the war. He is buried in the old cemetery in T^ynnfield 
Centre, and a marker and stone were placed at his grave in 1904. Rev- 
olutionary record: Private, Captain Gideon Foster's company. Colonel 
John Mansfield's regiment; enlisted July '22, 1775, and served to Janu- 
ary 1, 1776; order for a bounty coat at Winter Hill, October 27, 1775; 
advance pay at Prospect Hill, Captain John Baker's company, Colonel 
John Mansfield's regiment, August 10, 177.3. 

Aborx, Ebexezer, Jr.. — private, son of Ebenezer and Mary Goodale. was 
born in Lynnfield. -Vpril 16. 1756; married Mehitable Larrabee. born 

[185] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

January 15, 1758, daughter of Ephraiui Larrabee, of Danvers, January 
3, 1784. The Lynnfield church records give the latter date as Febru- 
ary 5, 1784. His children were Margaret, Ehas, Fanny, Mehitable, 
and Ebenezer. At the death of his father, which occurred March 8, 
1792, he inherited by will one-half of the homestead, which was situated 
on the old road which ran between the railroad and Filling's Pond, then 
called "Stony Brook." He continued to live on this farm until Decem- 
ber, 1806, when he sold it to Thomas Bancroft and moved to Salenj, 
March 18, 1807. He purchased property of Samuel Taylor in Salem, 
and lived there until July, 1813, when he went to live with his daughter, 
Mehitable Aborn Batchelder, at Loudon, N.H. In 1816 they moved 
back to Salem and lived on Mill Street until the spring of 1820, when 
they moved to a farm at Pickering's Point, nearly opposite the State 
Normal School. There he died, July 23, 1837, of apoplexy. He is 
buried in the old King Burial Ground, at South Peabody. His wife 
died before 1813. 

His pension claim states that he enlisted December, 1775, for one 
year as a private in Captain Moses Whiting's company. Colonel Grea- 
ton's regiment; also as private in Captain Silas Adams's company, 
Colonel Titcomb's regiment; service, two months, and 140 miles' travel 
allowed to and from place of rendezvous; credited to Danvers; roll 
dated June 29, 1777, and endorsed "2 mos. service at R.I." 

His name also appears on a descriptive list of the officers and crew 
of the ship "Junius Brutus" of Salem, commanded by Captain John 
Leach, dated Salem, June 15, 1780; age, twenty-two years; stature 
5 ft. 7 in.; complexion, dark. 

He was pensioned at the rate of eight dollars per month under the 
act of 1818, and was then living in Salem. 
Aborn, Moses, — parentage not known, may have been the son of Moses, 
of Danvers, and Mary Tarbox, of Lynn, who were published March 
7, 1752. 

Revolutionary record: Report of men enlisted into the Continental 
Army from the 1st Essex County regiment, dated February 16, 1778; 
enlistment three years, or during the war; joined Captain Bancroft's 
company, Colonel Michael Jackson's regiment; (Continental Army pay 
accounts for service from May 14, 1777, to August 17, 1777; reported 
died August 17, 1777. — Mass. Archives. 

[ 186 ] 




L. 




THE HENFIP.LI) HOUSE, LYNNFIELl) 



Lynn in the Revolution 

Adams, Bf.xjamix, — the drummer-boy of Captain Nathaniel Bancroft's 
Lvnnfield company, was the son of Rev. Benjamin and Rebecca (Nich- 
ols) Adams, and was born in Lynnfield, September 7, 1758. His father 
was born in Newbury, Mass., May 8, 1719, graduated at Harvard Col- 
lege in 17^28, and was ordained pastor of the Second Parish Church in 

Lynnfield, November 5, 1755. Rev. 

.-^r ^^ j^/ Benjamin was the son of Captain Abra- 

^^^ **i^^/6t6**''y^'^'^ ham, who was the son of Sergeant 

Abraham, who was the son of Robert 
and Anne (Longfellow). Benjamin, the drummer-boy of Captain Ban- 
croft's company, was the second child of Rev. Benjamin, and was only 
sixteen years of age when the alarm reached Lynnfield on the morning of 
April 19, 1775. LiWng a short distance from the Ezekiel Go wing Tavern, 
from whence the company marched, he was early on the spot after the 
exciting news reached the village, and it is said that he beat the long 
roll so vigorously that it could be heard a mile, and greatly aided in bring- 
ing in the members of the little company. It is not known how the 
father regarded the action of his patriotic son, but tradition has sug- 
gested that Parson Adams was not . over-friendly to the cause of the 
provincials. It is a significant fact that, while Parson Tread well and 
Parson Roby were conspicuous throughout the Revolytion, no record 
has connected Parson Adams's name with the patriot cause. The 
drummer-boy, however, beat the step for his comrades on the way to 
the skirmish and returned home with them that night. He lived in 
after-years in the old Henfield, or Adams, house, on the road from 
Lynnfield Centre to Wakefield. His half-brother, Jonathan, born Feb- 
ruary 12, 1749, was a soldier from Newbury. Benjamin's mother died 
on the S^d of August, 1776, and his father died suddenly in the pulpit 
on the 4th of May, 1777. Their graves may still be seen in the old 
cemetery at the Centre village. 

Benjamin was married March 9, 1788, by Rev. Joseph Mottey, of 
Salem, to Lois Orne, and had cliildren, Edward Augustus, Lois Orne, 
Delia Augusta, and Benjamin Perkins, all of whom died young. He 
began the practice of medicine first at Amherst, N.H., and then re- 
turned to Lynnfield. He served the town of Lynnfield as clerk of the 
parish from 1793 to 1804 and as selectman from 1790 to 1804. Dr. 
Adams died in Lynnfield, January IG, 1811, and is buried in the old 

[ 187 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

cemetery at Lynnfield Centre, where a slate stone marks his grave, as 
do others those of his children. No record of the death of his wife has 
been found. 
Adams, Joseph, — parentage unknown, may have been the son of Captain 
Nathan and Mary (Trumbull) Adams, born in Charlestown, Octo- 
ber 2, 1762. 

Revolutionary record: Appears on a descriptive list of men in 1780; 

age, eighteen; dark complexion; dark hair; dark eyes. xA.ppears on a 

return of men raised agreeable to resolve of December 2, 1780; enlisted 

July 21, 1781. 

Allen, Lemuel, — was a sergeant of the Saugus company. No record has 

been found of his birth or parents. He was, however, born prior to 

1755. Inasmuch as Allen was not a Lynn name, it is probable that he 

was born outside of Lynn and moved here before the Revolution. He 

owned and occupied a large farm northwest of the present Cliftondale 

^ . station of the Saugus Branch Railroad, 

^ y^yU/^^L,^'^ /^LZ^f/^ "'^ Essex Street, known in late years 

y ^^^^ as the George N. Miller place. The 

house was burned some years ago. 

Lemuel Allen was first married, by Rev. Joseph Roby, to Mrs. Sarah 

Viall on November 29, 1771. He married, second, January 30, 1778. 

Mary, daughter of Rev. Joseph Roby. Mary Roby was born December 

20, 1755. Their only daughter, Rachel, became the wife of Daniel 

Hawkes. Mr. Allen, who was called a tanner in 1785, was not prominent 

in town affairs, his only service being that of hog reeve in 1766 and 17(5!) 

and warden in 1781. Of his Revolutionary service, in addition to tluit 

of April 19, 1775, he was commissioned as lieutenant in Captain John 

Poole's 2d company, 1st Essex County regiment, April 26, 1776. It 

is doubtful whether he saw active service after the 19th of April. 

1775. 

His will was admitted to })robate October 13, 1806, and he is buried 
in the old Saugus cemetery, where a marble gravestone and a bronze 
marker of the S. A. R. were erected at his grave in 1903. 
Alley, Abner, — private, son of Benjamin and Elizabeth (Newhall) Alley, 
was born in Lynn, February 18, 1741. The Alley family, one which 
was early allied with the Quaker denomination, was also one of the 
earliest upon the town records, and the name is distinctly a Lynn name. 

[188] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

even to-day. Abner Alley was a grandson of Hugh Alley, and great- 
grandson of Hugh Alley, the emigrant, who was born in England in 
1608, and came to America in 1635 in the "Abigail," and died in Lynn, 
November 25, 1673. The emigrant, Hugh, was an extensive land- 
owner in Lynn and Nahant, and a part of his estate embraced the ter- 
ritory near the present Market Street, and remained in the family for 
at least two hundred years. Solomon Alley, great-uncle of Abner, was 
one of Captain Lothrop's company, the flower of Essex, and was 
killed in the fight at Bloody Brook, September 18, 1675. 

Abner Alley was married May 25, 1762, by Rev. Nathaniel Hench- 
man, to Sarah Webber, who was probably the daughter of Richard and 
Sarah Webber. She was baptized in Marblehead, November 14, 1742. 

Like that of many of his townsmen, the only service of Abner Alley 
in the Revolution was that of the 19th of April, 1775, when he went with 
his company to Menotomy. Although he was a cordwainer, he went to 
sea in 1778, and was probably lost in that year, as would appear from a 
certificate on file in the probate records at Salem. His estate was ap- 
praised by Colonel John Flagg and Ephraim Breed, who set off the 
widow's dower, according to the custom of the times. In this quaint 
document she was given " the two lower rooms in the dwelling house 
and half the cellar under said house, with the use of the oven in the 
south room for baking, and liberty to pass and repass through the front 
door and entry to and from the chambers and cellar, as occasion may 
require." She was married, however, on the 29th of November, 1784, 
to Jonathan Burt, of Wihnington. Nothing further is known of her. 

Abner Alley was cousin to Ephraim, Nathan, and Joseph, who were 
also in the Revolution. 
Alley, Ephraim, — son of Joseph and Rebecca (Hall) Alley, was born 
in 1754 and died May 2, 1821. He married, first, Mehi table Hallo well, 
July 23, 1778, and, the latter dying December 10, 1782, he married, 
second, Hepzibah Lewis, June 17, 1783. A child by the first wife 
was John, and by the second he had Benjamin, Lewis, Nathaniel, Mehit- 
able, Hepzibah, and Lydia. 

Ephraim Alley, brother of Nathan and Joseph, was a cordwainer, and 
lived and died in Lynn. He is probably buried in the old Western 
Burial Ground, together with at least Hepzibah and Lewis, whose 
graves are marked. 

[189] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

His name does not appear on the rolls of the companies which went 
out on the Lexington alarm, but the Massachusetts Archives give the 
following service: — 

List of men, who served as privates at Concord battle and elsewhere, 
belonging to Lynn, now called Lynn, Lynnfield, and Saugus; also 
matross, Captain Jonathan W. Edes's (4th) company. Colonel Thomas 
Craft's (artillery) regiment; enlisted May 20, 1776; discharged August 
1, 1776; service, two months, sixteen days. 
Alley, James, — son of Solomon*, Benjamin^, Hugy, HughS who came to 
Lynn in 1635, was born in Lynn, May 14, 1745. He was a cordwainer, 
lived in Lynn on Market Street, and married Lois Breed, April 25, 
1769. His children were Moses Breed, Rebecca, James, and Miriam. 
He died October 17, 1823. 

Revolutionary record: Private, Captain Joseph Killer's company, 
Colonel Jonathan Titcomb's regiment; enlisted May 5, 1777; dis- 
charged July 5, 1777; service, two months, six days, on an alarm at 
Rhode Island; roll dated Providence, Rhode Island. — Mass. Ar- 
chives. 
Alley, Joseph, — son of Joseph and Rebecca (Hall) Alley, was born in Lynn 
in 1757, and died in Lynn, February 10, 1832, aged seventy-five. He was 
brother of Nathan and Ephraim Alley and cousin of James and Abner. 
./^ ./yy^^^ He was of the fourth generation from 

^ ^ /^''ii /f/C/'''^ Hugh Alley who came to Lynn in the 

^^t^ ship "Abigail" in 1635. Both Joseph 
^^ and his brother Nathan were soldiers 

of the Revolution. They died within three days of each other, 
Joseph's death occurring on the 10th and Nathan's on the 7th of 
February, 1832. Both are buried in the old Eastern Ground. 

Joseph Alley was married by Rev. John Treadwell, December 13, 
1781, to Hannah Batchelder, born September 17, 1759, daughter of 
Henry and Jerusha (Breed) Batchelder. Their children were Sally, 
Hepzibah, Joseph, Henry, George, and Hannah. He was a stable- 
keeper and lived on Market Street, between Liberty and Essex. 

Revolutionary record: Private, Captain Ezra Newhall's company, 
which marched on the alarm of April 19, 1775, service seventeen days; 
also Captain Newhall's company. Colonel John Mansfield's regiment; 
order for advance pay dated Cambridge, June 8, 1775; also muster- 

[190] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

roll dated August 1, 177.3, eulisted May ;J, 177.5, service three juonths, 
five days; also company return dated ()ctol)er (i, 1775; also order for 
bounty coat or its ecjuivalent in money dated Camp at Winter Hill, 
Xovemher 4. 177.3; also matross, Captain John W. Edes's (4th) com- 
pany. Colonel Thomas Craft's (artillery) regiment; enlisted May '■20, 
1776; roll made up November 1, 177(5. 

Sailor, brigantine "Rover," commanded by Captain Adams Well- 
man; descriptive list of officers and crew dated June 30, 1780; age, 
twenty-two years; stature, .3 ft. G in.; complexion, dark; residence, Lynn. 
— Mass. Archives. 
Alley, Nathan, — son of Joseph and Rebecca (Hall) Alley, was born 
February '29, 1752. He was brother of Joseph and Eplnaim Alley, 
cousin of James and Abner, and descended from the emigrant ancestor, 
Hugh. He married Mary Alley, December 1, 1777, and lived on the 
easterly side of Estes Lane, now Union Street. The house, which 
was torn down many years ago, was situated between Exchange and 
Union Streets, on a hillside which has since been cleared away. His 
land extended to and embraced the site of at least a portion of the pres- 
ent pro])erty of the Boston & Maine Railroad. Although he was born 
on Market Street, the greater ])art of his life was spent at the above 
place, and it was with the greatest indignation that he heard of the pro- 
jected railroad. He is said to have shaken his fist and to have de- 
clared that it should never go throug^h his land, or, if it did, that he 
hoped that he should never see the day. It was not, indeed, until 
after his death that the land was taken for the new enter])rise. 

In his early life Mr. Alley was connected with the old First Church, 
but when the Methodist preacher, Jesse Lee. came to town, in 1791, 
he was one of the first to join the new church, and with his wife re- 
mained a member for the rest of his life. 

A fre(pient visitor and intimate friend of Mary Alley, his wife, was 
Moll Pitcher, and Mrs. Alley related to her grandchildren many tales 
of the famous fortune-teller. She always claimed that General Wash- 
ington came to Lynn to consult "Aunt Polly," as she called her, and 
even said that at one time a British officer also came and tried to gain 
some idea of Washington's intentions, and that the crafty old lady threw 
him off the trail. She said that Moll's son was often stationed in the 
attic with a heavy chain, which he rattled at intervals, thus producing 

[ 191 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

an excellent effect upon those in the house seeking advice. A sister 
of Mary Alley lived on Hanover Street in Boston, and during the siege 
furnished the British soldiery with milk. 

The children of Nathan and Mary Alley were Nathan, Joseph, 
Iluldy, Jacob, William, Micajah, Jacob, Timothy, Mary, Solomon, 
and Peter. One daughter, Mary, married William Brown, who was a 
drummer in the War of 1812, and belonged to a Lynn company who 
styled themselves the "Black Ducks." 

In personal appearance Nathan Alley was short, somewhat stout, 
with face smooth-shaven. In manner and dress he was rather old- 
fashioned. On the Friday evening on which he died, his son had ac- 
companied him to Market Street to the home of his brother Joseph, 
who was seriously ill. The son went to church, but called for liis father 
on his way home. Before Nathan reached home, however, he was 
stricken with apoplexy on Union Street. Although he was assisted into 
Mr. Johnson's shoe-shop and old Dr. John Lummus called to attend 
him, he died almost immediately. The date of his death was February 
7, 1832, and that of his brother Joseph three days later. He was 
buried in the old Eastern Ground on Union Street, at the top of the 
hill, beside his wife who had died six years before. 

The Lexington alarm rolls fail to show his name, but a record in the 
state archives gives the following: List of men, who served as privates 
at Concord battle and elsewhere, belonging to Lynn, Lynnfield, and 
Saugus; also matross. Captain Jonathan Edes's company, Colonel 
Thomas Craft's (artillery) regiment; abstract for advance pay dated 
July 23, 177G; also gunner. Captain Edes's (4th) company, Colonel 
Craft's regiment; enlisted May 20, 1776; roll made up November 1, 
1776. 
Attwill, Nathan, — son of Nathan and Anna (Ramsdell) Attwill, was born 
in Lynn, October 16, 1744; married, by Rev. John Treadwell, to Mary 

Stone, November 24, 1768. His chil- 
jAj/^. — ' ^/) dren were Mary, Elizabeth, Anna, 

(Pty/rt^t4^ yTn.Ana> j^i^^es, Nathan, and Charles. His will, 

which was dated May 15, 1804, was 
proved October 10, 1804. He was a cordwainer, and brother to Wil- 
liam, Avho was also a cordwainer and a Revolutionary soldier. 

Revolutionary record: Sergeant, Captain Rufus ^Mansfield's com- 

[ l!)i ] 



J/Z'dx 




Im'hu.I iiilitiiijij 



; ■ ' ■ 


•i.i 


.'■>.' 


" 'i 


''■1 


I ■'' 


ht\U 


'- -f ' 


*«'i"...,„.. 




,!II|jj 


i'i!: 



THK XATHAX ATTWILI. IIOISK. WHITI.VG 
STREET, l.VXX 



Lynn in the Revolution 

pany (4th), wliich inarched on the ahirni of the l!)tli of April, 1775; 
ser\ice, two days. — Mass. Archives. 

Attwill, Thomas Hicks, — son of William and Lydia (Ilicks) Attwill, 
was baptized April 20, 1766; married, by Rev. Obadiah Parsons, Janu- 
uary 22, 1788, to Joanna Mansfield, and lived at one time in the old 
Johnson house, which stood where the First Methodist Church now 
stands. They had one daughter, Joanna, who became the wife of 
Christopher Bubier and mother of Samuel M. and Edward T. Bubier. 
Samuel M. Bubier became mayor of Lynn. After the Revolution 
Thomas Hicks Attwill taught music and travelled through Vermont and 
New York. Although he was in Lynn as late as 1798, as would appear 
from the ledger of Dr. James Gardner, it is probable tliat his later years 
were not spent here, inasmuch as his relatives lost track of him. His 
wife, Joanna, died here, February 24, 1817, at the age of fifty-two years, 
and is buried in the old Western Burial Ground. 

The Revolutionary rolls give the service of Thomas Hicks Attwill 
as fifer in Captain Addison Richardson's company. Colonel Wade's 
Esse.\ County regiment, showing that he enlisted July 12, 1780, Avhen 
he was but fourteen years of age. He was discharged October 10, 
1780, making his service three months and eleven days. 

Ax-nviLL, William, — son of Nathan and Anna (Ramsdell) Attwill, was 
born in 1730; married Lydia Hicks, of Boston, to whom he was pub- 
lished April 22, 17.53. His wife, who was daughter of Zachariah and 
Lydia (Dagget) Hicks, was born in Boston, October 31, 1732, and died 
January 8, 1812. Their home was in the old Attwill house, Avhich stood 
upon the Common and which was moved to Whiting Street, where it 
still remains. Their children were Lydia, Zachariah, Anna, ^lary, 
Hannah Hicks, Thomas Hicks, William, Salley, John Dagget, and 
Betsey. William Attwill, the father, died November 5, 1806. 

Revolutionary record: Private in Captain Daniel Galeucia's com- 
pany. Colonel Benjamin Ruggles Woodbridge's regiment, and in Cap- 
tain Eleazer Lindsey's company of the same regiment; enlisted in the 
latter company ^lay 20, 177o. service two months and thirteen days; 
also in Captain Brown and Devereux's companies. Colonel Jacob 
Gerrish's regiment of guards, at Cambridge, enlisted February 3, 
1778, service five months, three days; on muster-roll for January, 
1778, dated Camp at Winter Hill. — INfass. Archives. 

[193] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

Attwill, Zachariah, — son of William and Lydia (Hicks) Attwill, was 
born October 9, 1755; married on the 16th of July, 1778, by Rev. John 
Treadwell, to Elizabeth Breed, who was born June 7, 1758, daughter 
of Amos and Ruth (Newhall) Breed. Their children were Zachariah, 
Amos, Mitcheson, Ruth, George, Betsey, Jesse Lee, Polly, Thomas 

Hicks, William Burres, and Lydia. 

ff^ / • / j^/aL^ y Jh^.y lived "in a certain dwelling with 

^^^C/cfi/CC^ /Y^iH-'-c^^Y^ barn and ten poles of land, situate in 

Lynn, nigh ye meeting-house, and lately 
enjoyed by Edward Howard, the land bounded in every part by ye town 
common." This land was deeded to Zachariah May 24, 1784, and he 
lived there imtil appointed keeper of the almshouse in the early part of the 
last century. The dwelling was the old house which now stands on Whiting 
Street, numbered 35. There is a tradition in the family that in the days 
when the king needed more fighting men, and was obliged to resort to 
impressment to increase his army, Nathan Attwill, the grandfather of 
Zachariah, was washing his hands in the brook which ran past the 
above-mentioned house on the Common, when the press-gang came 
along. In the fight which followed his arm was broken, but lie was 
told that, being a strong man, they had rather haAe him with one good 
arm than many another man having two. He was taken away sub- 
sequently, and never returned. The tradition has come down through 
four generations of the family. 

The almshouse which Zachariah kept was at the corner of Fayette 
and Chestnut Streets, where the East Lynn Odd Fellows' Building now 
stands. This he kept for a number of years until the almshouse on 
Tower Hill was opened, when he also continued for a time as keeper 
there. He died in Lynn, November 6, 1836, at the age of eighty-one 
years, in the home of Amos Attwill, a house which was torn down to 
make way for the St. Mary's parochial residence. He was buried on 
the south side of the old Western Burial Ground, where his grave is 
marked by a white stone bearing the inscription, " Mark the perfect man, 
and behold the upright, for the end of that man is peace." His wife, 
who is also buried in the old W^estern Ground, died July 1, 1827. 

The Revolutionary record of Zachariah Attwill is as follows : Private, 
Captain Rufus Mansfield's (4th) company, which marched on the 
alarm of April If), 1775, service two days; |)rivate. Captain Joseph 

[ 194 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

Killer's company, Colonel Jonathan Titcomb's regiment, enlisted July 
11, 1777, discharged August 11, 1777, service two months, six days, 
on an alarm at Rhode Island; roll dated Camp at Providence. 
Reported remained in camji under Lieutenant John Watts. 

Bacheller, James, — private, son of Samuel and Hannah (Breed) Bacheller, 
was born in Lynn, February 20, 1756. His father was an older brother 
of Rupee, Theopliilus, and Jonathan Bacheller, all of whom were in 
the Revolution. Like most of the young men and boys of the town, 
he was enrolled as a minute-man, and went with his comj)any on the 
19th of A|>ril. lie saw no further service. He was married in Lynn, 
August ■■26, 1784, by Rev. Obadiah Parsons, to Elizabeth Perkins, born 
November 8, 1761. His home was in a small, two-story house which 
stood on the Common, on the site of the David S. lioynton es- 
tate, at the corner of Hanover Street. In a little shop near by he 
carried on the business of shoemaking. He had a class of customers 
among the Avealthy people of Salem, and made frequent trips there, 
accompanied by his apprentice boy, John Lewis Loring, avIio is still 
living (in 190::^). Mr. Loring says that the shoj) of Mr. Bacheller was 
the rendezvous of the old veterans who came in to fight their battles 
over to the accompaniment of the busy click of the hammer. 

The children of James Bacheller were Aaron Xewhall, Polly, Samuel. 
Betsey, Nathaniel, James, and Sally. IVIr. Bacheller took little part 
in the affairs of the town, being of a (juiet and retiring nature. He 
was pensioned under the first act giving ])ensions to Re\()lutionary 
soldiers at the rate of $1 ."io per month. The records of the pension 
office were unfortunately burned, and no data of early cases have been 
preserved. He died August .SI. 1837, and his wife died December 13. 
1845. They are interred in the old Western Burial Ground, where a 
marble stone and bronze marker of the S. A. R. Avere placed at his 
grave in 1904. 

Bacheller, Joxath.vx, — son of Hem-y and Sarah (Stocker) Bacheller, 
was born in I^ynn, August 20, 17.38. No other record except that of 
his Revolutionary service has been found. 

Revolutionary record: Private, Captain Samuel Huse's company. 
Colonel Jacob Gerrish's regiment of guards, enlisted July 13, 1778, 
discharged December 14, 1778, service five months, three days; pri- 
vate. Captain Simeon Brown's company, Colonel Jacob Gerrish's regi- 

[195] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

nieiit of guards, service from April '■2, 1778, to July 3, 1778, tliree months 
and two days; roll dated Camp at Winter Hill; also same company 
and regiment, a service from July 2 to July 12, 1778, ten days. 
Bacheller, Theophilus, — son of Henry and Sarah (Stocker) Bacheller, 
was born June 11, 1751; married, by Rev. Joseph Roby, to Mehitable 
Breed, daughter of Josiah and Mary Breed, November 28, 1781; chil- 
dren, Josiah, Mehitable, Sarah, Samuel, James, and Samuel. He 
was married, second, by Justice Dorman, of Andover, to Zerviah Cornish. 

His home was at the corner of South 

/ /^ / /7/) Street and Market Square, in a house 

^A^of^hyi^«^ <^c*^'^'-^cir' which he built and which remained on 

the same spot until April, 1903, when 
it was moved to the rear of the lot and converted into a tenement house. 
The venerable Mr. Benjamin S. Skinner, who remembers Theoj)hilus 
Bacheller well, describes him as a small man of very pleasant coun- 
tenance, whose occupation was that of a cabinet-maker. He was 
one of the five remaining members of the old First Church in 1791, 
when the Methodists formed the new society. His death occurred in 
October, 1833; that of his wife, Mehitable, February 29, 1804, at the 
age of forty-seven, and of his second wife, Zerviah, April 11, 1821, at 
the age of sixty-three. 

Revolutionary record: In his deposition for a pension he says that he 
enlisted, February 5, 1776, as private in Captain Edes's company, and 
served two months at Prospect Hill and was then discharged. In the 
summer of 1776 he served several weeks in Captain Bullard's com- 
pany, and was serving in Boston under General Ward when he heard the 
Declaration of Independence read from the balcony of the Old State 
House. On May 6, 1777, he again enlisted as a volunteer in Captain 
Joseph Hiller's company. Colonel Jonathan Titcomb's regiment, and 
served until July 6 on a campaign to Rhode Island, and was discharged 
there. On November 1, 1777, he enhsted as a substitute for one 
Breedeen, and was soon appointed as a sergeant-major in Captain Huse's 
company, both in Colonel Gerrish's regiment, and served therein at 
Cambridge fourteen months till December 28, 1778. He was appointed 
Heutenant, November 6, 1778, and during all of said time of service he 
was employed in -guarding the Hessians and British prisoners at Cam- 
bridge, and remained there for a month after they had gone. Sta- 

[196] 






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COMMISSION OF THEOPHILUS BACHELLER 



Lynn in the Revolution 

tioned at Winter Hill, he says that he kept an orderly-book as sergeant- 
major, and this was in his possession in 1832. The name of Rufus 
Choate appears as a witness for his character in the application made 
August 16, 1833. Tliree commissions are filed, one as second lieuten- 
ant, from the Council, and two from Colonel Jacob Gerrish, as ser- 
geant and sergeant-major, dated May 1, 1778, and Julj^ 14, 1778. 
He was pensioned at $92. ^o per year from March 4, 1831. A certi- 
ficate was issued September 21, 1833, one month before his death. 

liAiLEY, Aaron, — was a tailor, who lived on Boston Street and worked in 
the shop owned by Jedediah Newhall. Little is known of him. An 
Aaron was married May 26, 1814, to Lucy Barron, and died April 8, 
1834. His name appears on a list of men, who served at Concord battle 
and elsewhere, belonging to Lynn, Lynnfield, and Saugus; service, 
two days. 

IJakek, John, — |)rivate, thirteenth child of Thomas and Rebecca (Kellse) 
Baker, was born in Lynn, May 16, 1753. He was descended from 
John Baker, who was in Lynn as early as 1642. x\fter the 19th of April, 
1775, he returned to Lynn, and enlisted on the 6th of May in the 
company of Captain Ezra Newhall, then forming for service in the new 
army. He was present at the evacuation of Boston, and later marched 
with his regiment to New York, where he participated in the battles 
of Fort Washington and Fort Lee. His regiment afterward retreated 
across New Jersey with Washington, and was in the battle of Trenton. 
All trace of Private Baker is lost at this point, and it is possible that he 
died in the service. 

BalLu\rd, Joseph, — son of Ebenezer Ballard, of Lynn, was born in 174(i; 
married November 27, 1767, to Mary Norwood; probably had no chil- 
dren. He died May 31, 1796, and is buried in the old Western Burial 
^-^^ Groimd beside his wife, who died Au- 

*'^ ^^'H^^^^'^'^^'^ ^""^^ ~''' ^^^^" '^''^ following inscrip- 
'^ tion is on his gravestone: "Who in 

the meridian of his years endearefl him- 
self to society by that general deportment which characterize tlie 
good citizen." He was on the Committee of Correspondence, Inspec- 
tion, and Safety in 1778, and the Massachusetts Archives also give the 
following service: First lieutenant. Captain Rufus Mansfield's 4th com- 
pany, which marched on the alarm of April 19, 1775; service, two days. 

[197 ] 



f 



Lynn in the Revolution 

Bancroft, Esau, — seaman, ship " Pilgrim," commanded by Captain Joseph 
Robinson; descriptive list of officers and crew dated August !^, 1780; 
age, twelve years ; stature, 4 ft. 6 in. ; complexion, black; residence, Lynn. 

Bancroft, James, — son of John and Ruth (Newhall) Bancroft, was born 
in Lynnfield, March 21, 1732; was grandson of Thomas Bancroft, the 
emigrant ancestor, and nephew of Captain Nathaniel Bancroft. He 
was married in Reading, November 2.5, 1755, to Esther Smith, of 
Reading, and lived in Lynnfield Centre, in the house known as the 
"Bancroft House." He was a tithing-man in 1757 and a warden in 
1774, also serving as clerk of the parish in 1779-80. He was at the 
time of the Revolution a slaveholder, for on August 23, 1772, he, as 
master, offered for baptism "Essex," a negro. 

The Revolutionary record is given as follows : Private, Captain Na- 
thaniel Bancroft's company,. which marched on the alarm of April 19, 
1775; service, two days. 

The following service also probably belongs to this man: Lieuten- 
ant in Colonel John Mansfield's regiment, commissioned June 7, 
1775; also Captain Gideon Foster's company, Colonel Mansfield's 
regiment; receipt for wages dated Cambridge, June 26, 1775; also 
receipt for advance pay dated Cambridge, July 4, 1775; also muster- 
roll dated August 1, 1775; enlisted May 6, 1775; service, three months, 
two days; also Captain John Baker's company, Colonel Mansfield's 
regiment; company return (probably October, 1775); also Captain 
Baker's company, Colonel Israel Hutchinson's regiment; order for 
bounty coat or its equivalent in money dated Camp at Winter Hill, 
December 25, 1775; return of men enlisted in Continental Army 
from 1st Essex County regiment dated February 16, 1778; joined 
Captain James Bancroft's company. Colonel Michael Jackson's regi- 
ment; enlistment three years or during the war; also ensign, Colonel 
Jackson's regiment; list of officers dated West Point, November 8, 1779; 
also list of officers promoted in the Continental Army; commissioned 
July 4, 1780, also Continental Army pay accounts for service from Jan- 
uary, 1, 1780, to December 31, 1780; reported served four mojiths, 
twenty days as ensign, seven months, ten days as lieutenant; also re- 
ported as agent of the 8th regiment; also lieutenant in Colonel Ezra 
Bedlam's (8th) regiment; list of officers dated Phillipsburgh, July 18, 
1782; enlisted May 12, 1780.— Mass. Archives. 

[198] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

The death of Lieutenant James Bancroft occurred August 22, 1814, 
and that of his wife on March 25, 1814. Both are buried in the old 
ground at Lynnfield Centre, and a bronze marker of the S. A. R. was 
placed at his grave in 1904. 

Bancroft, J.vmes. — There is some doubt in regard to the identity of the 
James Bancroft who was a member of Captain Ezra Newhall's com- 
pany on the 19th of April. As nearly as can be ascertained, he was 

a son of James and Esther (Smith) 

^^^^ ^^;^?^^^^^^.j^jji* Bancroft, and was baptized in Lynn- 

ty ^ field, January 2, 1757. He was married 

to Sarah Parsons, of Leicester, Mass. 
Served through the war, being discharged in 1783. At the time of 
his death in April, 1803, he was an inspector in the Boston Custom 
House. The military record of James Bancroft, as it appears on the 
Massachusetts rolls, is as follows : — ■ 

Private, Captain Ezra Newhall's company, which marched on the 
alarm of April 19, 1775; service, fifteen days. 

Sergeant, Colonel INIichael Jackson's regiment; Continental pay 
accounts for service from March 21, 1777, to October 6, 1777; reported 
promoted to ensign; also ensign; Continental pay accounts for ser^^ce 
from October 7, 1777, to December 31, 1779; also sergeant. Captain 
James Bancroft's company. Colonel Jackson's regiment; return dated 
April 9, 1779. 

Bancroft, Job, — son of John and Eve Bancroft, brother of John and half- 
brother of Lieutenant James, was born in Lynnfield, April 7, 1754; 
married Sarah LTpton, of North Reading, January 10, 1782, and lived 
in 1789 and 1797 in Salem. He died, July 7, 1802, at the age of forty- 
eight. He is buried in the old Hill Cemetery, near the old State Normal 
School, in Salem. By occupation he was a housewright. 

Revolutionary record: Private, Captain Miles Greenwood's com- 
pany. Colonel Jacob Gerrish's regiment of guards, enlisted November 
11, 1777; roll made up to February 2, 1778; serxice, two months, twenty- 
two days; also pay-roll for service from February 3, 1778, to April 3, 
1778, two months, one day; roll dated Camp at Winter Hill; also pri- 
vate, Captain John Flint's comj)any. Colonel David Green's regiment, 
which marched on the alarm of April 19, 1775, service two days; also 
Captain Asa Prince's comj)anv. Colonel John Mansfield's regiment; 

[199] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

order for advance pay dated Cambridge, June 8, 1775; also muster- 
roll dated August 1, 1775; enlisted May 8, 1775; service, three months; 
reported enlisted from the Second Parish in Reading; also company 
return dated October 6. 1775; also Captain Prince's company, Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Israel Hutchinson's (19th) regiment; order for bounty 
coat or its equivalent in money dated December 21, 1775. — Mass. Rolls. 

Bancroft, John, — son of John and Eve Bancroft, was born in Lynn, October 
21, 1749. He was a house WTight, and lived in Reading and Lynnfield. 
He was married by Rev. Benjamin Adams, October 24, 1768, to Mary 
Walton, daughter of Jacob and Eunice (Hawkes) Walton, of Reading; 
children, John, Mary, Eunice, Nathaniel, Betty, Jacob, and Rhoda. 

Revolutionary record: Private, Captain Enoch Putnam's company, 
Colonel John Mansfield's regiment; order for advance pay dated 
Cambridge, June 8, 1775; also private, muster-roll dated August 1, 1775; 
enlisted May 12, 1775; service, two months, fifteen days; also company 
return dated October 6, 1775; reported enlisted in the train July 19, 
1775; also Captain Putnam's company. Colonel Israel Hutchinson's 
regiment; order for bounty coat or its equivalent in money dated Winter 
Hill, October 27, 1775; also matross, Lieutenant William Perkins's 
company. Colonel Richard Gridley's (artillery) regiment; company 
returns (probably October, 1775); also order for bounty coat or its 
equivalent in money dated November 6, 1775. 

Bancroft, John. — Little has been found concerning this man except that 
he was born in Lunenberg, Mass., November 14, 1753, and came to 
Lynnfield in 1756, and lived with his uncle, to whom he was later bound 
out. He was married June 20, 1776, to Mrs. Mary Newhall. He was 
a private in Captain Ezra Newhall's company, which marched on the 

/alarm of April 19, 1775, ser\ace fifteen 
days; also in Captain Ezra Newhall's 
company. Colonel John Mansfield's 
regiment; order for advance pay dated 
Cambridge, June 8, 1775; also private, muster-roll dated August 1, 1775; 
enlisted May 4, 1775, ser\'ice three months, four days; also private and 
corporal; company returns dated October 6, 1775; also Captain New- 
hall's company. Colonel Israel Hutchinson's regiment (19th); order for 
bounty coat or its equivalent in money dated Winter Hill, November 4, 
1775. — Mass. Archives. 

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Lynn in the Revolution 



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Baxcroft, Nathaniel, — captain of the Lynnfield company, April 19, 177.5, 
was the son of Deacon Jolin and Mary (Mansfield) Bancroft, and was 

born in Lynnfield, October 22, 1725. 
He was grandson of Ensign John and 
Elizabeth (Eaton) Bancroft, and great- 
grandson of Lieutenant Thomas Ban- 
croft, who came to Dedham, Mass., in 1647. In 1655 Lieutenant 
Thomas hired a part of Samuel Bennett's five-hundred-acre lot at Saugus, 
and in 1670 bought sixty acres at Beaver Dam, Lynnfield. 

Inasmuch as the name Bancroft is one of the most prominent in 
the Lynnfield record may not be out of place here to enter into a 

description of the ho^^ie uf Thomas, the ancestor of Captain Nathaniel. 
Mrs. Mary A. Parsons, of Lynnfield, whose knowledge of the old Sec- 
ond Parish is very valuable, says: "In 1678 Elizur Holyoke sold James 
Russell, of Charlestown, a farm near "Reding,' of some 550 acres, 'which 
lands were partly granted and partly purchased by my honored grand- 
father, Mr. Edward Holyoke, of Lynn.' The land had been im- 
proved by Thomas Bancroft, and in the deed of sale exception is made 
of a small piece 'about an acre and a half which the sd. Bancroft hath 
built upon and fenced in from sd. farm.' It is further described in a 
document convepng it to Thomas Bancroft as a 'parcell of land in 
Linn, neare Beaver dam at ye east corner of my farme lately sold James 
Russell of Charlestown.' The boundaries of the Holyoke land can 
be so traced as to leave no doubt that the east corner of the farm 
corresponds with the site of the ancient Bancroft house in Lynnfield, 
illustrated herewith. In this connection it is interesting to add that 
in one of the old genealogies of the Bancroft family it is stated that 
Thomas Bancroft settled in Lynnfield (so called) near where the meet- 
ing-house now stands." This of course refers to the old church erected 
in 1714. August 19, 1691, the immigrant, Thomas Bancroft, then 
styled Lieutenant, died, and in the following autumn his estate was 
divided. The homestead, including house and land, fell to the youngest 
son, Ebenezer. The property remained in this line until the spring of 
1895, when the house and three acres of land were sold. In the year 
following the house was torn down. Mr. Ebenezer Parsons, of Lynn- 
field, the last occupant, is of the seventh generation from Lieutenant 
Thomas, the line being. Lieutenant Thomas^, Captain Ebenezer^, Cap- 

[ ^201 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

tain Ebenezer^, Lois (Bancroft) Parsons*, Ebenezer Parsons^, Ebenezer 
Parsons^, Ebenezer Parsons^. IVIr. Parsons easily remembers his grand- 
father, the Revolutionary soldier whose maternal grandfather. Captain 
Ebenezer Bancroft, was grandson of Lieutenant Thomas. The occu- 
pancy of the premises for generations by descendants of Lieutenant 
Thomas explains the present possession of many relics of the past by 
the lixdng representatives of the family. 

As to the house itself, it was originally built with a simple gambrel 
roof, the extension shown in the illustration being probably less than 
one hundred years old. Though there are traditions relative to in- 
ternal changes, such as of certain rooms having been finished off later 
than others and of the big fireplaces giving way to smaller ones, there 
is yet not the faintest suggestion that the owner sought to improve 
away the house in favor of a new one. As to the style of architecture, 
in determining the age of the building, it may be said that the gambrel 
roof is likely to be of a date ranging from about 1692 to 1745, although 
a tradition says that the gambrel roof on the ' ' Witch House " at Salem 
was put on before 1668. 

The first entry in the Lynn Precinct Book mentions a meeting in the 
old house, as follows : — 

"Lyn, Janewary 16 1711. 
then ye inhabitens of Lyn farms so calld on ye north sid of ye heyway yt leads 
from Rediiiff to Salem liaAdng had information yt part of our inhabitans are by 
part of Reding drawn in <a petision with them for the bulding of a meeting 
hous we then met together at ye house of capt. bancroft and agreed on a plas 
for seting a meeting hous." 

The captain mentioned was Captain Ebenezer, son of Lieutenant 
Thomas, the immigrant. Another entry reads: — 

"Lyn, Jne 8, 1713 then the Inhabitants of Lynn on the north side of Salem 
road met at the hous of capt. Bancroft and Agreed by vote to petition the 
generall Cort for a presenct." 

Thus it will be seen that the house began early to be connected with 
the theological and political history of the "farms." At a later day, 
when it was the "Sun Tavern," its walls echoed with the deliberations 
of the town fathers, and there was an apartment in it known as the 
"Selectmen's room," which contained a mahogany table from which 
they dined on election day. 

[202 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 



Although the first Ebenezer Parsons was only fourteen years and 
four months old when independence was declared, he went forth again 
and again to fight for his country. Of his grandmother, "relict" of 
the second Captain Ebenezer Bancroft, the quaint church record made 
by her minister. Rev. Mr. Adams, reads : " Thus died that Godly 
woman." 

Long after the Revolution, during the war of the sects, Mr. Parsons 
gave land for a Methodist church building, and many an argument 
on free grace versus predestination was heard in the Bancroft house, 
and there was bitter grief when the little church, after a few prosperous 
years, went down. Few other houses in Lynn farms or even Lynn 
could tell so much, if spoken words could be reflected from their ancient 
walls. Yet the time came in the course of the march of progress when 
this house was felt to be in the way, for it came so close to the road, 
when the latter was straightened, that it seemed out of gear with its 
surroundings, and, since it had not been kept in good repair for some 
time, it was better perhaps that it should be taken down and allowed 
to sleep with its fathers of the wilderness, from whence came its big 
oak beams and rafters. 

It is not certain whether or not Captain Nathaniel Bancroft was 
born in the old Bancroft house. His first dwelling of which we have 
knowledge was the old house in which he lived after his marriage on 
the 18th of May, 1749, to Mary Taylor, of Sudbury, Mass. This house 
stood near the one now occupied by Mr. John M. Danforth. It was 
demolished years ago, and he later built the large house now occupied 
by Mr. Danforth, who is his great-grandson. The children of Nathaniel 
Bancroft were Nathaniel, Thayer, Hannah, Nathaniel, Bridget, ]Mary, 
and Thomas. He early became prominent in military and town aft'airs. 
On February 7, 1767, he was commissioned captain of the military 
company of foot, of Lynn, in the regiment of militia in the county of 
Essex, Benjamin Pickman colonel. The commission issued by the 
royal governor, Francis Bernard, and countersigned by Andrew Oliver, 
of Stamp Act notoriety, is a venerable relic, which through the cour- 
tesy of his great-grandson, John M. Danforth, of Lynnfield, is repro- 
duced herewith. The town records show the fact that he Avas tithing- 
man in 1757, 1758, 1762, 1764, 1771, and 1773; warden in 1763; se- 
lectman 1769, 1770; treasurer of the parish 1765. 1774. 1776 to 1781, 

[ ^203 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

17S3, 1785, 1786, and 1787. He was chosen a deacon of the Second 
i'arish Church, May 31, 1763, Avhich office he held until his death. 
During the fall preceding the Revolution he again became interested 
in nulitary affairs, and was made lieutenant of the Lynnfield company of 
iniuute-men. Soon after he was given his old position as captain. 
On the morning of the 19th of April he mustered his company, and, 
although fifty years of age, marched with his men to Menotomy, the 
circumstances of which are related in the Lexington chapter of this 
book. On May 8, 1775, he was elected a delegate to the Provincial 
Congress, but declined to accept. In 1781 and 1782 he was a member 
of the Committee of Correspondence, Inspection, and Safety for the 
town, and did patriotic service in that connection. He was at all times 
prominent in the consideration of town and religious matters, and was 
highly esteemed for his integrity and steadfastness of character. Deacon 
Nathaniel Bancroft died June 26, 1810, at the age of eighty-five. His 
wife, Mary, died October 5, 1815, at the age of ninety. Both are buried 
in the old cemetery at Lynnfield Centre, just opposite the church where 
for fifty years he was an honored figure. Their graves are suitably 
marked, and his stone bears the inscription: "He served his generation 
by the will of God and was laid with his fathers." The Essex Gazette, 
of contemporary date, in commenting upon his death, said, " He was a 
gentleman who in private and public life sustained a character of dis- 
tinguished excellence." 

Bassett, William, — not strictly a Lynn man. 

Revolutionary record: Return of men enlisted into the Continental 
Army from 1st Essex County regiment dated February 16, 1778; resi- 
dence, Boston; enlisted for town of Lynn; joined Captain x\llen's 
company. Colonel Crane's regiment; enlistment for three years or for 
the war. — Mass. x\rchives. 

Bates, Samuel. — ^Descriptive list of men raised to reinforce the Continental 
Army for the term of six months, agreeable to resolve of June 5, 1780; 
age, twenty-four years; stature, 5 ft. 6 in.; complexion, ruddy; resi- 
dence, Lynn; arrived at Springfield July 17, 1780, under command of 
Captain Abner Howard; also pay-roll for six months' men raised by 
town of Lynn for service in the Continental Army during 1780; marched 
June 27, 1780; discharged January 13, 1781; service, six months, 
twenty-nine days. 

[204 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

Batts, John, — sergeant in Captain Ezra Newhall's company on April 19, 
1775, came to Lynnfield from Maiden. He was warned out of Lynn, 
December 18, 176.5, with his wife, Hannah, and children, John and Ruth, 
they having come in October of that year. The wife Hannah, who is 
mentioned in the old record, was Hannah Brown, to whom he was mar- 
ried in Maiden, pubHshed August 30, 
^^j' / /2 ■ // " 17()1, by Rev. J. Emerson. She died in 

^ iyrl^ • ^y 1777, and he married, second, Rebecca 

Eock, of Cambridge, May 10, 1778, 
Rev. Mr. Roby performing the ceremony. John Batts had a large 
family of children, and occupied during the later years of his life the 
house on Eiiicolu Street in Saugus, known during the Revolution as 




HOUSE OF JOHN BATTS 

the Thomas Stocker place. His son William became somewhat noted 
in the privateering business during the War of 18b2, and, being under 
age at the time, the jirize money which was liis portion came to 
the father. The daughter Hannah married Lewis Bruce, a soldier 
of the Revolution. The date of the death of John Batts is unknow^n. 
The pension records give the fact of a pension having been granted 
his widow, Rebecca, August 28, 1832, at which time she was eighty-two 
years of age. The amount which she received was $87.66 a year up 
to the time of her death, March 4, 1841. 

Besides acting as sergeant in Captain Ezra Newhall's company of 
minute-men, serving twenty-one days, John Batts enlisted in Captain 

[ ^205 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

Jo.se]>h Stocker's company, Colonel Wade's regiment, and went to 
Ticonderoga as a lieutenant, serving three months. He returned home 
by way of Worcester with the invalids. November 11, 1777, he en- 
listed in Captain Miles Greenwood's company, Colonel Jacob Gerrish's 
regiment of guards at Winter Hill, and served there until February 2, 
1778. It is said that while at Ticonderoga he took the place for some 
time of one of the engineers who was sick. He was also at West 
Point at the time of Arnold's treason, and may have seen other service. 
Belknap, Abel, — son of William and Hannah (Flagg) Belknap, was born 
in Woburn, May 24, 1754; married September 27, 1774, by Rev. John 
Treadwell, to Bethia Newhall, daughter of Andrew and Susanna (Brown) 
Newhall, born in Lynn, August 8, 1755. Her sisters married Theoph- 
ilus Farrington and Isaac Organ, Revolutionary soldiers. June 11, 
1796, Abel and Bethia Belknap conveyed land in Lynn, they being 
then of "Germaine Flats." It is probable that he removed to Cana- 
joharie township, Montgomery County, N.Y., about 1790, inasmuch 
as his name is given among heads of families of that place in that 
year. From thence he removed to Germaine Flats in the neighboring 
Herkimer County, and from thence, about the year 1812, to Chili or 
Rega, now known as Chili Station, nine miles from Rochester. At 
the latter place he seems to have been the prime mover in organizing 
a Presbyterian chiu-ch, and the session records show that he and his 
wife and two children became identified with that church by letter. 
The names of his children are given in the following order: Abel, 
Hannah, Susannah, Polly, Sally, Elizabeth, Clarinda, and a son John, 
mentioned at the conclusion of his will as having had his share. 

Abel Belknap and his wife, Bethia, died at Chili Station, where both 
are buried. Abel's death occiirred April 3, 1838, and Bethia's October 
26, 1833. Through the courtesy of Mr. H. E. V. Porter, of Jamestown, 
N.Y., a descendant of Abel Belknap, we are able to give some facts 
concerning his death. Mr. Porter recently visited Mrs. George Bald- 
win, an old lady of some eighty years of age, still living at Chili Station, 
whose husband was the grandson of Abel Belknap. She remembers 
the latter well, having known him when she was a child, and she dis- 
tinctly remembers having heard him many times speak of his experi- 
ences as a soldier. Of his death, which was the result of an accident, 
she went on to say that he was very hard of hearing as a result of his 

[ 206 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

service in the Revolution, and on account of this he ,stej)ped in front 
of a horse driven by a reckless rider, and thus received injuries which 
caused liis death. 

The following is his Revolutionary record : Private, list of men, who 
served at Concord battle and elsewhere, belonging to Lynn, Lynnfield, 
and Saugus; also Captain Ezra Newhall's company, Colonel John 
Mansfield's regiment; order for advance pay dated Cambridge, June 
8, 177.5; also company return dated October 6, 1775; also Captain 
Newhall's company, Colonel Israel Hutchinson's regiment; order for 
bounty coat or its equivalent in money dated Winter Hill, Novem- 
ber 4, 177j; list of men taken from the orderly-book of Colonel Israel 
Hutchinson of the 27th regiment, dated Fort Lee, November 16, 
1776; reported taken prisoner at Fort Washington; served in Captain 
Newhall's company. — Mass. Rolls. 

Bent, Timothy, — son of Hopestill and Beulah (Rice) Bent, was born in 
Sudbury, Mass., March :24, 1747. 

Revolutionary record: Private, Captain John Williams's company. 
Colonel Rufus Putnam's (4th) regiment; muster retiu-n dated Albany, 
February 9, 1778; residence, Lynn; enlisted from the town of Lynn; 
mustered by John Cushing, Esq., reported deceased. — Mass. Rolls. 

Berry, James, — supposed to be the James who was married to Mary 
Stocker, November 29, 1764, by Rev. Joseph Roby. 

Revolutionary record: Second lieutenant, Captain Zadock Buffinton's 
company, Colonel Johnson's regiment; enlisted August 12, 1777; dis- 
charged November 30, 1777, at Cambridge; service, three months, 
nineteen days. — Mass. Roll. 

Berry, John, — was probably born about 1742. He married Rachel, 
daughter of John and Ruth (Bancroft) Berry, about 1770. His chil- 
dren were Sarah, Rachel, Joseph, Lucy, and John. He and his wife 
(who was a sister of James, Job, and John, and niece of Captain Na- 
thaniel Bancroft) owned the covenant at Lynnfield, December 22, 
1771. That he was a blacksmith is proved by an order given by the 
parish, November 23, 1770, for hinges for the church, and later for re- 
pairs. He was paid for "mending the parsonage fences" in 1770, 
and for "taking care of the meeting-house" in 1774. Little is known 
of him, except that he was with his company on the 19th of April, and 
was one of those who that night helped to bring home the body of his 

[ 207 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

neighbor, Daniel Townsend. lie died soon after the war, and was buried 
in the old ground at Lynnfield Centre. A marble stone and bronze 
marker of the S. A. II. were placed at his grave in 1904. 

Berry, Samuel, — a Samuel and wife, Mary, with children, Thomas, 
Hannah, and Mary, were warned out of town in 1771. They were 
from Woburn, and he is probably the Samuel whose Revolutionary rec- 
ord was as follows: Fifer, Captain Ezra NewhalFs company, which 
marched on the alarm of April 19, 1775; service, fourteen days; also 
Captain New hall's company. Colonel Mansfield's regiment; order 
for advance pay dated Cambridge, June 8, 1775; also muster-roll 
dated August 1, 1775; enlisted May 2, 1775; service, three months 
six days; also company return dated October 6, 1775; also Captain 
Newhall's company. Colonel Israel Hutchinson's (19th) regiment; 
order for bounty coat or its equivalent in money dated Camp at Winter 
Hill, November 4, 1775. — Mass. Archives. 

Berry, Thomas, — son of Thomas and Rebecca (Ballard) Berry, was born 
in Saugus, May 30, 1734, and probably descended from Thaddeus, 
who came from Ireland and was in Lynn in 1665. It is also probable 
that he is identical with the Thomas Berry who appears on the rolls as 
drummer, and also with the Thomas Barry who was the drummer in 
Captain David Parker's Saugus company, on the 19th of April, 1775. 
The name "Barry" does not appear on the Saugus church records, but 
"Berry" does, and it is safe to assume that the names are one. After 
the engagement of April 19, Thomas Berry enlisted in Captain Ezra 
Newhall's company. Colonel John Mansfield's regiment, and received 
advance pay at Cambridge, June 8, 1775. He was within sight of the 
battle of Bunker Hill with his company on the 17th of June, 1775, and 
on the 4th of November he received an order for a bounty coat or its 
equivalent in money, and was in camp at Winter Hill during the fol- 
lowing winter. In the spring of 1777 the advance of General Bur- 
goyne occasioned a demand for men, and the town voted to give each 
man who should enlist for three years the sum of £14, and an additional 
bounty of £10 if he should serve until the end of the following Novem- 
ber. Mr. Berry enlisted March 9, 1777, as a drummer, and marched 
with a considerable number of men to Peekskill, N.Y., where he w^as 
assigned to Captain John Williams's company, Colonel Rufus Putnam's 
5th Massachusetts regiment. Here he served in the Burgoyne cam- 

[208 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

paign, and was in the engagements at Stillwater and Saratoga. At the 
surrender of the British general his drum was one of those which beat 
the march while the lines of the enemy filed by to stack their arms. 
His name appears on the Continental Army pay accounts for service 
to December 31, 1779, and on various muster-rolls, dated at Albanv, as 
late as March 11, 1780, at which time his enlistment expired. He was 
then lionorably discharged. 

"^I'he will of a Thomas Berry is on file at the Probate Court at Salem, 
and was placed there May 2, 1781. It is not unlikely that it belonged 
to this man. In it his wife Mary was made executrix, and liis son 
James is mentioned. He describes himself as a cordwainer. The in- 
ventory is interesting as showing the great depreciation of the Conti- 
nental currency at that time. The estate was appraised at ,£3,115. 
This sum was reduced liy the scale of depreciation to silver money to 
the amount of £i 5s. 2d. Among other things mentioned are "one 
pair silk hose, £60, one beaver hat, £150, two coats and one jacket, 
£250, two gallons of rum, £40." 

Thomas Berry is undoubtedly buried in the old AVestern Burial 
Ground in an unmarked grave, possibly near that of his son James, 
which is at the left of the entrance. 
Beetle, Edward, — pay-roll for six months' men raised by the town of 
Lynn for service in the Continental Army in 1780 (service not given). 
Reported deserted. — Mass. Archives. 
Blanchard, Amos, — was not accredited to the town of Lynn during the war, 
but lived here at its close. He was a pensioner in 1840, and died Mav 

25, 1842, aged seventy-six. He was 

^ ^ ^ / one of the very last of the old Revolu- 

i^yV^'l^^ y^)l:^(yiJ\/l/A/i//^i^^Ctr\^ tionary heroes to die, and was buried in 

an unmarked grave in the old West- 
ern Burial Ground. He was one of the four prominent survivors of 
the war who took part in the celebration of the 4th of July, 1825. 

The old "Merry House," so called, was on the northerly side of 
Boston Street, near Grove. Master Amos Blanchard lived there, and 
taught the little school at the western end of the Common. He was 
a musician in the Revolutionary War. From 1811 to 1824 he led the 
singing in the Old Tunnel Meeting-House, and played the bass-viol 
in the church for many years. 

[ "209 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

Blanchard, John, — son of Ebenezer and Marv (Ramsdell) Blanchard, 
was born October 25, 1753. 

Revolutionary record: In Captain Ezra Newhall's company, Colonel 
x\sa Whetcomb's regiment; order for pay for service for one month 
dated Cambridge, June 10, 1775; also private, Captain Newhall's 
company. Colonel Mansfield's regiment; muster-roll dated August 1, 
1775; enlisted June 20, 1775; service, one month, fourteen days; 
also company return dated October 6, 1775; also Captain Newhall's 
company. Colonel Israel Hutchinson's regiment; order for bounty coat 
or its equivalent in money dated Winter Hill, November 4, 1775. — 
Mass. Archives. 

BoARDMAN, Aaron, — son of William and Abiah Boardman, was born in 
Saugus, March 14, 1724; married September 26, 1754, to Mary, daughter 

of Thomas and Eunice (Ivory) Cheever, 

/ /T) ( f born May 4, 1732. His children were 

iA^O^n uiiCr'cy^^^^ Aaron, Mary, Rhoda, Lydia, and Hul- 

dah, and possibly others. His Revolu- 
tionary service was confined to that in Captain David Parker's com- 
pany, which marched on the alarm of April 19, 1775. He died Novem- 
ber 11, 1799, and is buried in the old burial-ground at Saugus Centre. 
His grave is marked by a tall slate stone and a bronze marker of the 
S. x\. R. which was placed there in 1903. 

Boardman, Amos, — lieutenant, son of Amos and Elizabeth (Smith) Board- 
man, was born in the Abijah Boardman house in Chelsea, now in Saugus, 
May 15, 1755. He was fourth in descent from Amos Boardman, of 
Cambridge, who settled there in 1636, and who died there in 1685, aged 
seventy-one, the ancestor of all of his name in Saugus. Lieutenant Amos 

Boardman responded to the Lexington 

L/^^yyir^ '^J-^i^^^^^^-^'^ alarm as a private in the company of 

^ ■ ' Captain Da\'id Parker, of Saugus. 

At this time he was living with Adam 
Hawkes. Ten days after the battle of Lexington, with his brother 
Benjamin, he enlisted as a private in Captain John Bacheller's com- 
pany, Colonel Ebenezer Bridge's regiment, and received advance 
pay for his serWces at Cambridge, June 6. His company was in 
the battle of Bunker Hill during the latter part of the contest. At 
the conclusion of the battle he went into camp at Cambridge, where he 

[ 210 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

• lid duty until he was discharged, January 1, 177(). He at once re- 
enlisted as a private in Captain P'dward Burbeck's company, in Colonel 
Henry Knox's regiment of artillery, and was made lieutenant. In 
April, his captain being absent, the company was placed imder his com- 
mand, and he marched with it to New York, and was at White Plains 
and other places in the ^■icinity during the year. On the expiration of 
his service, January 1, 1777, General AVashington personally requested 
him to remain six weeks longer, which he did, and was then discharo'ed. 
He again enlisted, August 20, 1777, as a private in Captain Jose])h 
Fuller's company, Colonel Samuel Bullard's regiment, ;ind marched to 
intercejit Burgoyne. He was in the battles of September 19 and Octo- 
ber 7, preceding the surrender of the British army, and was present at 
the capitulation. Afterward he was detailed to assist in guarding the 
captured army on its march to Cambridge, where he was discharged. 
November 29, 1777, after a service of three months and twenty-two 
days. December 1, 1777, he again enlisted for three months in Captain 
James Furnevall's company, Major Stevens's battalion of artillery. 
His next enlistment was February 12, 1779, as sergeant in Captain 
Nathan Sargent's company of guards, and he did duty in and about 
Boston under Major-General Gates until May 12, 1779, when he Avas 
finally discharged from the Continental service. 

After the outbreak of the war he removed to South Reading, now 
Wakefield. He was married November 30, 1779, by Kev. Mr. Cummings, 
to Mary Lewis, of Billerica, daughter of Benjamin and Mary (Brown) 
Lewis, born January 19, 170.). For the remainder of his life he lived 
in South Reading, and there his children, Amos, Mary, Sarah, and 
Rebecca, were born. During his latter years he was severely afflicted 
with rheumatism, and, being in need, he was granted a pension of eight 
dollars a month under the act of 1818, the same taking effect July 10, 
1819. This small stipend he enjoyed for only nine months, when his 
name was stricken from the rolls. This was occasioned by the rapidly 
growing list of pensioners and the fear that the country would become 
financially embarrassed. The name of every man who had the slightest 
visible means of support was taken from the pension list, and Mr. Board- 
man was among that number. He died in Wakefield, August 12, 1823, 
aged sixty-eight years. In 1843 his widow' Avas granted a pension, under 
the act of 1838. of $6(5.07 j)er year. She lived but a short time, however, 

[^211] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

for lier death occurred in Wakefield, September 3, 1844, at the age 
of eighty-nine. Both are buried in the old burial-ground at Wakefield, 
where slate stones mark their graves. From the History of Reading 
the following notice is taken: — 

"Col. Amos Boardman (he having attained that title in the militia 
after the war), was a notable man of commanding and portly personal 
appearance. Active, energetic, public-spirited, and patriotic, he exercised 
much influence in his day and generation. He was full of military 
ardor, and never felt better than when at the head of his regiment. He 
was a warm and zealous friend of education and the common schools, 
over which he long had official supervision. His earnest and stirring 
addresses to the scholars, when he made official visits, will be long re- 
membered. He was profuse in his commendations and inspiring in 
his portrayal of what the pupils might become by good behavior and 
faithful study. 'In fact,' he would say, 'by so doing you may be sure 
to rise in the world; true you may not all become colonel, as I am, though 
some of you may, and generals, governors, presidents, too, but you may 
all get to be somebodies, captains, sergeants, corporals, at least.' 

" He changed his religious sentiments in later life from strict orthodox 
to Universalist, and was one of the founders of the society in South 
Reading." 
Boardman, Ivory, — the "Iveny" Boardman of the muster-roll of Captain 
Parker's company, — was son of John and Eunice (Cheever) Boardman, 
and born in Saugus, August 5, 1749. He lived in Boardman's End, 
or the Oaklandvale of to-day, in an old house still standing and known 
as the "Ivory Boardman place," and later as the "Joseph Cheever 
place." He was married by Rev. Mr. Roby, January 30, 1774, to Mary 
Jenks, daughter of Nathan and Abigail (Wait) Jenks, born August 
18, 1746. His sister, Lois, married Benjamin Goldthwaite who served 
in the same company. Mr. Boardman was with his neighbors when 
they marched to meet the British on April 19, 1775, but saw no further 
service. He returned home to cultivate his farm on the borders of 
Lynn. His children were Ivory, born just after the battle of Bunker 
Hill, Abijah, Sarah, Nathan Jenks, John, Joseph and Benjamin, the 
two latter being twins. His will was j^robated October 21, 1807, in 
which he designated himself as a cordwainer and yeoman. His brother- 
in-law, Benjamin Goldthwaite, was called u|)on to settle his estate, which 

[ 212 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

had (Iwiiidled "greatly. lie is buried in the old grouiKi at Saugus Centre, 
where a marble gravestone and bronze marker of the S. A. R. were 
placed at his grave in 190;J. 
MoAKDMAX, John, — probably Jonathan, eldest son of Samuel Boardman, 
was born about 17.53 in Saugus. lie was with his father on the 19th 
of April, and his name follows that of his father on the muster-roll of 
Captain Parker's company. Tradition says that later, while ploughing 
in the field one day, he was impressed into the Continental Army. It 
was at a time when men were scarce and the need great, and he had 
barely time to tell his brother William to bid his mother good-bye, 
when he was hurried off. He entered the service in some unknown 
com|)any, was captured by the British and taken on board the infa- 
mous Jersey prison-ship. Here he suffered all the horrors of that ter- 
rible |)lace, and was finally |)oi.soned by means of li(juor given to him 
under the pretence of kindness. A letter from him, written to his 
parents iti 178S. will [)rove of great interest. The original is carefully 
preserved in the family of his descendants. 

"November I.j, 1783. 
Jer-sej' Prison Ship New Yorke 

Dciir Father and Mother Tliis Beuig the Ferst Oppertunity I have hade to 
Lett you know That I inifortunly was Taken and Brou<i;ht Into New York 
whear I am Now Reniaininfi; And Just Come out of the Small Pox Butt have 
jfott Ilartey and well of them And Hopin«f that you all Injoy the Blesing of 
Helth. I wolde Be Glad if You wold Try and <jett Man for to Be F^xchangd for 
nie or I Shall Suffer hear This Winter For the yousidg is verej' Hard And 
Wolde Be Glad if you wold do all Lays in your Powr as Quick as Posable. 
Pleas to I.,ett John Cheavers I'araiice Know That he Died with the Small Pox 
the 1 1 Day of November No More At I'resant But Keniain your Loving son 

Jonathan Borman 

l{cincinl)er me to all EM(|uirinj^ Frcuds." 
.Vddrcssed, 

"Mr. S.vAiuEL Borman, 
Tyiving In I>inn, 

Newels Tavern." 

His grave is {)robably on the sh<n"es of Long Lsland, where so many 
Itevolutionary soldiers were buried who were taken from the floating 
hulks in New York Harbor. 



Lynn In the Revolution 

BoARDMAN, Samuel, — son of William and Ahiali, was horn in Saugus, 
July 27, 1731. His home was in the ancient house opposite the fork 
of the Wakefield and Melrose roads. This house, one of the oldest 
in Essex County, was built two ye«irs after the Ahijah Boardman house, 
and is still doing good serAice. It is surrounded by good intervale lands 
and is in a pleasant location. At the time of the Revolution the road 
swept around to the south and was narrow and inconvenient. This was 
remedied in 1818 by the construction of a new road across the meadow. 
Samuel Boardman was married in Maiden, December 5, 17(i0, by 
Rev. J. Emerson, to Abigail Grover, davighter of John and Abigail 
(Taylor) Grover, born September l, 173!). He served with credit in 
the French and Indian War, and was with (Jeneral Wolfe on the Plains 
of Abraham. In 17()S he was chosen warden of the town, and served 
as tithing-man in 177() and 1778, that office then being an elective one. 
He was with his company on the 19th of April, together with his 
brother Aaron, but no record is given of further service. It must be 
remembered, however, that the muster and pay rolls on file in Massa- 
chusetts are incomplete, and it is certain that many J^ynn men served 
beyond the time that is found recorded. 

His will was offered for probate July !2!^, 18().l, and his neighbor. 
Lieutenant Nathan Ilawkes, was an appraiser of the estate, which 
amounted to $;5,680. He is buried in the old Sangus cemetery, near 
the centre of the yard. The grave was pointed out in 1903 by Miss 
Ellen Boardman, of Saugus, the great-grand-daughter of Samuel, and 
a marble gravestone and bronze marker of the S. A. R. were placed 
there in that year. 

Boardman, William, — son of Amos and Elizabeth (Smith) Boardman, was 
born January 15, 1736, in that part of Saugus now known as Oakland- 
vale, but in the time of the Revolution known as Boanlmairs End. Six 
of the name of Boardman are borne on the muster-roll of Ca|)tain 
David Parker, and each carried his musket over the forty rough miles 

of road traversed in rcs|)onse to the 

^/Ti^} J^ '^^ Lexington alarm. Their families oc- 

(f ^-J CtX'T^-y^ ^^-''T^cupicd four houses, which, strange to 

say, are all standing. The William 
Boardman house is the first of the four which is to be seen on en'^ering 
Oaklanchale. Across the meadows, forty rods to the north wher the 

[ 214 ] 




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Lynn in the Revolution 

roads fork, one going north to Wakefield, tlie other to Melrose, stands 
an old two-story liouse which was occupied by Samuel Boardnian. To 
the older people of to-day it may be remembered as the " Joe Rowe 
Place." Perhaps the best-known old mansion of Saugus, if not of this 
part of Essex County, on account of its projecting upper story, its well- 
sweep, and its conspicuous position, is west of the last-named, where 
the road branches toward Melrose, and known as the "Abijah Board- 
man House." It was built in 1635 or 1636, and was constructed for 
ilefence against the Indians. The house has a history full of litigation 
between towns and counties, between Chelsea and T..ynn, Suffolk and 
Essex, as to the taxation of its owner, caused by the fact that the divi- 
sion line was formerly through the middle of the house. The little 
wedge of land that ran up to the "three county bound" has been an- 
nexed to Saugus, which town alone now has power to vex the owner 
with taxes. Three-quarters of a mile up the " Straight's" road, towards 
Wakefield and Castle Hill, stands what used to be known as the " Joseph 
Cheever House." This was the Ivory Boardman house of the Revolu- 
tionary period. 

AVilliam Boardman was a soldier in the French and Indian W'ar, and 
was in the expedition to Canada in 1758 under Captain Simon Slocomb. 
His only service in the Revolution which can be proved was at the Lex- 
ington alarm, although he undoubtedly saw more of the war. The 
records of several of this name appear in our state archives, but lack 
the place of residence. The Pension Office records show that he was 
granted one hundred acres of land May 1, 1795. 

His marriage was on February '■2'i, 1759, to Zebiah Livingstone, who 
was born July 9, 1730, daughter of Robert and Zebiah. No record of 
the death of William Boardman has been found. 
BdWEX, Edward. — This is a name which was prominent in Marblehead 
and it is probable that the Edward Bo wen here given was from that 
town. The orderly-book of Colonel Israel Hutchinson gives the name 
of Edward Bowen among the list of prisoners taken at Fort W^ashing- 
ton, under date of November 16, 1776. This Edward, who was in 
Captain Ezra Newhall's company, may have been the one who died 
■' Coming from New York," January 13, 1777. If so, he was the son 
of Captain Edward and Elizabeth (Boden) Bowen, born in Marble- 
liead. -Vugust 17, 1755. 



Lynn in the Revolution 

A further record which appears under this name in the state archives 
is that he was in Captain Addison Richardson's company, Colonel 
John Mansfield's regiment, through June and July of 1775, and in 
Colonel Israel Hutchinson's regiment, same company, until October 
27 of that year. 
BowDOiN, Benjamin, — ^This name, like that of "Bowen," was one which 
was common in Marblehead, the names "Francis" and "Benjamin" 
appearing frequently in different families of that town. There were 
Bowdens in Lynn before and during the Revolution, but thus far it has 
been impossible to connect them with any certainty with the Marble- 
head "Bowdens" from which they evidently came. 

JNIr. Hallowell mentions in his narrative the death of a Lynn soldier 
named Bowdoin in the battle at Fort Washington. He says that the 
man belonged to another regiment. On a return of killed and missing 
in Glover's regiment, November 19, 1776, Benjamin Bowden was re- 
ported missing since September IG, 1776. He was probably the same 
man mentioned by Hallowell. 

Further service of Benjamin Bowden noted in the state archives 
is as follows: Certificate stating that said Bowden took the oath re- 
quired by Congress to be taken by the army dated Middlesex County, 
July 24, 177,); also private. Captain Lindsey's company, commanded 
by Lieutenant Daniel Galeucia, Colonel Benjamin Ruggles Wood- 
bridge's regiment; muster-roll dated August 1, 1775; enlisted July 
28, 1775; service, thi-ee days; also Captain Eleazer Lindsey's com- 
pany, Colonel Samuel Gerrish's regiment; order for advance pay dated 
Maiden, August 3, 1775; also Captain Daniel Gallusha's company. 
Colonel Woodbridge's regiment; order for bounty coat or its equiva- 
lent in money dated Maiden, December 22, 1775. 

Also list of men, who served at Concord battle and elsewhere, be- 
longing to Lynn, Lynnfield, and Saugus. 
Bowdoin, Francis, — Concerning the Bowden family, see Benjamin Bowden 
above. 

Revolutionary service: Captain Ezra Newhall's company. Colonel 
Mansfield's regiment; order for advance pay dated Cambridge, June 
8, 1775; also private, muster-roll dated August 1, 1775; enlisted May 
3, 1775; service, three months, five days; also company return dated 
October 6, 1775; also Captain Newhall's company. Colonel Israel 

[216 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

Hutchinson's regiment (19tli); order for bounty coat or its eciuivalent 
in money dated Winter Hill, November 4, 177.5. — Mass. Muster Rolls. 

List of men, who served as privates at Concord battle and elsewhere, 
belonging to Lvnn, Lynnfield, and Saugus. — Mass. Muster Rolls. 
BoYXTOX, Nathaxiel, — was j)robably not born in Lynn, for the name 
is not local. A Nathaniel, son of Nathaniel, of Rowley, was born 
there, July 27, 17.30, anil this may have been the member of the Saugus 
comjmny whose name is given on the muster-roll as "Nathaniel Ryan- 
ton." His only service in the war was at the beginning, when he 
marched with his neighbors to Menotomy. Mr. Benjamin F. Newhall 
has left an interesting sketch of him, in which he says: — 

"The farm of Nathaniel Boynton was south of CHftondale. It was 
a famous farm in olden times, and was situated partly in Lynn and 
partly in Chelsea. The old farm-house and l^arn were standing as 
late as 1800, being a little remote from the travelled highway to Boston, 
the highway having been changed. Formerly the road ran between 
the house and the barn. The situation of the old house was quite 
romantic, being on the north side of the road and south of a rockv 
ledge. It was also at the foot of the hill called for many years ' Boyn- 
lon's Hill.' This was the steejiest hill between Boston and Salem, 
and was much dreaded by the drivers of heavy teams. Mr. Boynton 
was often called upon for an extra lift to encounter it, and Landlord 
Newhall often sent extra horses or oxen at the hour of the return of 
teams which were to stop at his house. IVIr. Boynton was a good, in- 
dustrious farmer, but rather noted for a fault-finding disposition, hardly 
ever being satisfied with what Providence bestowed. After his death 
the farm passed into the hands of his son, Ellis Boynton. Bride's 
Brook passes through the farm, and here George Washington was met 
on his way to the east in 1789." 

IVIr. Boynton was married by Rev. Mr. Roby, April 6, 1779, to ISIary 
^'iall, of Saugus, and had the following children: Sally, Polly, Na- 
thaniel, Nathaniel, Lucy, Samuel, Ellis, and Elizabeth. He was sur- 
veyor of highways in 1781 and constable in 1785. 

Letters of administration were granted on his estate to his wife, Mary, 
April 7, 18'-21. The estate was appraised at $3,670. Mr. Boynton is 
buried in the old Saugus Centre ground, where a marble stone and 
bronze marker of the S. A. R. were erected in 1903. 

[ ^217 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

Bragg, Josiah, — private (the Josiali Brage of the muster-roll), was 
probably born in Reading and came to Lynnfield from that place in 
May, 1759, with wife, Rebecca, and children, Rebecca, Mercey, Mary, 
and Sarah. He first appears on the assessed list of the parish Decem- 
ber 16, 1760. No mention is again made of him in the records of the 
town or parish, except the death of several young children, the last 
being Jacob, who died August 21, 1775, aged nine. 

He served as a private at the Lexington alarm in Captain Bancroft's 
company. He enlisted, June 1, 1775, in Captain Eleazer Lindsay's 
company. Colonel Benjamin Ruggles Woodbridge's regiment, serving 
two months on guard duty at Maiden. He again enlisted, August 3, 
in Captain Lindsey's company, which had been transferred to Colonel 
Samuel Gerrish's regiment, and received advance pay at Maiden on 
that date. Having enlisted for eight months, he received an order 
for a bounty coat at Maiden, October '■25, 1775. Private Bragg re- 
mained on duty until January 1, 1776, when his term of enlistment ex- 
pired. It is not known whether he continued in the Continental 
service. He was living in Lynnfield as late as 1800. In September. 
18'-21, the Lynnfield church records note the death of *' Widow Bragg, 
over eighty years." 

Breed, Amos, — private, was perhaps son of Ebenezer and Rebecca (Phil- 
lips) Breed, born in I>ynn, November 4, 1739. The only service found 
is that of the 19th of iVpril, 1775. He died August 19, 1821. It is well 
to note that this case is similar to many others which have been 
found, in that there were several of the same name in Lynn, and no 
record to show which one was entitled to the honor of being included 
in the Revolutionary rolls. The only one of likely age has here been 
mentioned . 

Breed, Aaron, — son of Amos and Ruth (Newhall) Breed, was born in Lynn. 
March 7, 1761, and died in Lynn, December 24, 1817. He was buried 
in the old toml) in the Western Burial Ground, but his remains were 

removed to Pine Grove Cemetery, 
j^ ^^„^^,^ /p. ^''Zf where a stone and marker were erected 

Treadwell, October 2, 1781, to Sarah 
Attwill, who was born in Lynn, June 24, 1764. She died December 
26, 1804. Their children were Anna, Anna, Ruth, Sally, Aaron, 

[ 218 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

Lydia, Warner, Harriet, Abigail Burrill, Fullcrtoii. Isaac, Isaac. He 
married, second, November 10, 180.5, at Groton, Mrs. Mary (Kemj)) 
Filebrown, born at Shelburne, March 17, 1770, Rev. Daniel Chaplin 
performin*:; the ceremony. Children, Horace Anson, James Edwin, 
Harriet Almira, Hermione, and Lydia Maria. His widow, Mary, died 
April .SO. 1841. The danghter Ilermione became the wife of George 
Hood, tlie first mayor of I/ynn. Aaron Breed lived near the corner 
of Pleasant and Sontli Common Streets, and was a Qnaker who fought 
in the Itevolution. 

The Revolutionary record taken from the stale archives is as follows: 
Private in Caj)tain Zadock Buffinton's company. Colonel Samuel 
Johnson's regiment; enlisted August ^2}, 1777; discharged November 
SO, 1777, at Cambridge; service, three months, ten days at the north- 
ward; also private. Captain Simeon Brown's company. Colonel 
Nathaniel Wade's regiment; enlisted July '21, 1778; service, five months, 
fifteen days; discharged at East Greenwich, R.I.; enHstment to expire 
January 1, 1779; company rai.sed in Essex and York Counties. 
Bkeed, Ephkai.m, — son of Josejjh and Susannah (Newhall) Breed, was of 
the fourth generation from Allen Breed, the emigrant ancestor of the 
Breed family. ^Ir. George W . Rogers, in one of his interesting remi- 
niscences published many years ago, gives the follo\^dng sketch of Mr. 
Breed : — 

■' E|)hraim Breed, a lineal descendant of Allen Breed, who lived 
in what is now called Breed's End, was born in the year 17S6 [May 

•26], and died in Lynn, April 3, 1812, 



■^. 



/^^ - ) aoed seventy-six years. He was a re- 



~^""^ niarkably strong man physically, and 

scarcely ever had a sick day in his life, 
up to the age of seventy. In person he was of medium height, but 
somewhat thick-set, and \yould weigh perhaps two hundred pounds. 
He was a smart man for any kind of work, and was always active. He 
did much town bu.siness, being town clerk from 1780 to 1804. He was 
often called upon to settle estates, to act as guardian for minor cliildren, 
and to adjust difficulties among neighbors, where conflicting interests 
were at stake. He was also at that time the only surveyor in Lynn, 
except Henry Oliver, and, if any land in Breed's End was sold or ex- 
changed, he did the writing and made the deed. 

[ 219 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

" Mr. Breed was a soldier of the Revolution, and was one of the gallant 
men who defended Lexington- In company with Harris Chadwell, a 
near neighbor, he started on the memorable 19th of April for the scene 
of action, and met the enemy on their return to Boston. Here from 
behind walls and fences he fired upon the British as they passed along, 
following them- in their retreat. Mr. Chadwell was with him while the 
skirmish lasted. They remained until the enemy had left and then 
surveyed the field of battle. [Here they found the woimded soldier of 
whom mention is made under the sketch of Mr. Chadwell.] 

"A genial companion was Ephraim Breed. He loved a story and a 
joke, and was a good story-teller himself. Many were the quips he in- 
dulged in at the expense of his associates, but he was so good-natured 
about it that he seldom gave offence." 

The late Cyrus Houghton, who remembered Mr. Breed well, gave the 
following estimate of his character: "Although rather rough in his ex- 
terior, he had one of the kindest of hearts. He kept men about him 
and at work for him that nobody else would have or could get along with. 
But he knew well how to manage them. He would humor their pecu- 
liarities and control them without their knowing it, or, if necessary, by 
a stern command. In this way, by unbending himself at times and 
asserting his authority at others, he was not only master of his men, but 
popular with them." 

Ephraim Breed was married November 14, 176i^, by Rev. Jose|jh 
Roby, to Susannah, daughter of Robert and Mary Mansfield, born 
October 15, 1735. Susanah died September 2''2, 1806, at the age of 
seventy-one. He married, second, her sister Martha, widow of William 
Newhall, born March ^27, 175:5. She died April 10, 18^22. He was 
a large land-owner and a rich man for those days. The old Breed house 
on South Street, which was his home, still stands on land which was 
deeded to Jo.seph and Samuel Breed in 1694. The house was built 
soon after that date, and was inherited by Ephraim. The inventory 
of his estate shows" a mansion house with about three :icres of land under 
and adjoining, lying on the north side the way leading through the cow- 
yard by the barn; also a |)asture called Pine Hill, containing 100 acres; 
Dungeon Pasture, Fresh Marsh, over 400 acres." 
Breed, Frederic, — son of Allen and Huldah (Newhall) Breed, was born 
in Lynn. August "20, 1755. He was descended from Allen IJrced iuid 

[ ^2W ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

'i'houias Newhall, two of tlir earliest settlers of Lynn. On the recei|)l 

of the news of the march of tlie British to Concord, although but a 

---^ boy of nineteen, he went with Captain 

\M / y^ / Farrington's c-onipanv, and did cbitv 

Ly-lTl cCe^/C yp'^i^ ^ with Ws neighbors. 

^^^^^^ He was married May ii.5, 177.5, by 

|{ev. Mr. Treadwell, to llepzibah Cox, daughter of Thomas ;ind 
Abigail Cox, born ^[ay 10. 17oo. He enlisted May !). 177.;, in 
Captain Addi.son Richardson's company, Colonel .loliii Mansfield's 
regiment, and was commissioned ensign on June 7 following. His 
regiment was in camp at Winter Hill and vicinity until the battle 
of Bunker Hill, when it was ordered into action. Owing to a misun- 
derstanding, it did not participate in the conflict. Ensign Breed 
remained with his regiment during the fall and early winter, after 
it had pa.ssed from the command of Colonel Mansfield to that 
of I.,ieutenant-Colonel Israel Hutchinson. His term of enlistment ex- 
piring January 1, 1776, he again enlisted, and was promptly com- 
missioned as second-lieutenant by the Continental Congress. His 
commission, |)roduced herewith, is on file at the Pension Office, Wa.sh- 
ington, where he j)laced it in his later years as evidence of his service. 
The bold handwriting of John Hancock is as bright upon it to-day 
as it was when it was affixed one hundred and twenty-six years ago. 
Lieutenant Breed was assigned to the company of Caj^tain Ezra New- 
hall, of Lynn, and was present during the siege of Boston, entering 
the town upon its evacuation by the British. During the following 
summer Captain Newhall's company marched to New York, arriving 
in time to participate in the engagements around that city. After the 
battles of Fort Washington and Fort Lee he retreated across the Hud- 
st)n with the army of Washington, and continued in the march across 
New Jersey. He was present and took |jart in the battle of Trenton, 
December '•2.'» and '26. after which he marched to Philadel})hia. There 
he was discharged on January 1, 1777, and made his way home to 
Lynn, after a campaign full of privation and suffering. 

His wife He|)zibah died "S\a\ "2.3. 1779. leaving one daughter. Betsey. 
He was nuirried, second, A|)ril 18, 1780. by Rev. Mr. Treadwell, to 
Sarah Mansfield, daughter of Robert and Mary (Rann) Mansfield, 
born June '2.'). 1746. Their children were Jose|)li. Frederick. AMlliani, 



Lynn in the Revolution 

Mary, Sally, and Allen. Some time after the war he acquired the 
estate located at the corner of Cedar and Boston Streets, and in the 
house still standing his children by his second wife were born. He 
was a constable in 1782, and served as moderator in 1796. Although 
not a lawyer. Lieutenant Breed undertook a great deal of the legal 
work for his neighbors, and his name appears with great frequency in 
the settlement of estates, transfers of property, and making of wills. 
He was commissioned justice of the peace by Governor Caleb Strong, 
August 13, 1802, and again by Governor Christopher Gore, July 5, 
1809. For a considerable time he was trial justice for the town, and 
held court in one of the upper chambers of his residence. His wife, 
Sarah, died August 23, 1803, and he married, third, January 10, 1805, 
Mary Richardson, davighter of William and Martha (Townsend) Rich- 
ardson, born February 18, 1762. During his latter days Lieutenant 
Breed became somewhat reduced in circumstances, and applied to the 
government for the small pension then being granted to the survivors 
of the Revolution. His claim, under the act of 1818, was allowed on 
April 11 of that year, at the rate of twenty dollars per month. On May 
1, 1820, his name was stricken from the pension rolls, together with 
the names of many others who were thought to be not entirely without 
means of support. His health, however, had been rapidly failing, 
and he died June 17, 1820, at the age of sixty-five. His wife, Mary, 
died October 19, 1820, and they were interred in one of the private 
tombs formerly situated along the easterly side of the old AVestern 
Burial Ground. In 1895 these tombs were removed, and the remains 
transferred to Pine Grove Cemetery. Here in a common lot, surrounded 
by six of his comrades in arms, he now rests. In 1904 a marble 
gravestone and bronze marker of the S. A. R. were placed at his grave. 
Breed, Joel, — son of Theo])hilus and Mary (Newhall) Breed, was born 
January 28, 1755, and died January 12, 1825. No marriage is found 
recorded. The probate records give the fact that he was a yeoman 
j» j^ and that his estate was left to his sister 

y ^i l^ *^*y / \AA/\/ Revolutionary record: Private, Cap- 

*^ tain Rufus Mansfield's (4th) company, 

which marched on the alarm of April 19, 1775, toward Concord; service, 

two days; also Captain Nathan Sargent's company of guards; enlisted 

[ 222 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

February V2, 1779; discharged May hi, 1779; service, three months at 
and about Boston, under General Gates. — Mass. Rolls. 

Breed, Joseph, — This name is common in the Lynn records, and there are 
two Joseph Breeds, either one of whom might have been the Joseph 
who responded to the Rhode Island alarm in 1777. It would seem that 
the less likely of the two was the son of Joseph and Susannah (Xewhall) 
Breed, born January 1, 17.'51-3'-2, and who would have been forty-five 
> — ». .or six years of age at that time, had lie 
V > y^ Jc ^^7 lived. This Joseph was married to 

J^^")^^^ /j-7^ee^ l.is cousin, Ruth Breed, daughter of 

^ Matthew and Mary, January ^2(). 17.58. 

It is possible, however, if not entirely probable, that this was the " Joseph, 
son of Josejih," whose burial is recorded in the Lynn records as taking- 
place July 29, ]76'-2. This seems plausible from the fact that the births 
of only three children are recorded. 

The other Joseph was the son of Theophilus and Mary (Newhall) 
Breed, and was born April 30, 1763. He was a brother of Joel, above 
noted. This Josej)h was only fourteen years old at the time of the 
Rhode Island alarm, yet it was not unusual for boys of that age to go 
into the war. He died in Lynn, August 4, 1816, at the age of fifty- 
three years, and, like his brother Joel, unmarried, as it would appear, 
since the probate records give the fact that all his proj)erty was left to 
his brother Joel. 

The Re\olutionary record as given in the Mas.sachusetts Rolls is as fol- 
lows: Private, Captain Joseph Hiller's company. Colonel Jonathan Tit- 
comb's regiment; arrived at camp May .5, 1777; discharged July .'5, 1777; 
service, two months, five days at Rhode Island; roll dated Providence. 

Bkeed, Josiah, — son of John and Lydia (Gott) Breed, was born December 
16, 1731. He was a cordwainer and lived in Lynn. He married, first. 
Mary Breed, December 18, 1755; and she died May 7, 1767, aged 
thirty-three. He married, second, Hannah Batchelder, June 30, 1768. 
His death occurred December VI, 1790, at the age of fifty-eight. His 
wife, Hannah, survived him, "and was distracted in her mind from the 
time of his death to her own decease which occm-red August Ki, 1805, 
at the age of seventy-six." He had the following children, born in 
Lynn: Mehitable, Allen, Nathaniel, Charles, Jose[)h, and Mary. He 
is buried in a marked grave in the old Western Burial (iround. 

[ 223 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

Revolutionary record: Private, Captain Rufus Putnam's (4tli) 
company, which marched on the alarm of April 19, 1775, to Concord, 
service two days; reported taken prisoner and confined thirty-three 
days; lost his arms and equipments; also list of men who received 
money from public treasury for losses at battles of Lexington and 
Bunker Hill; allowed in Council, June 13, 1776.— Mass. Rolls. 

In the orderly-book of headquarters, Cambridge, April 23, 177.5. 
we find this entry : " Reported that Josiah Breed is a prisoner at Boston 
and desired that if there could be an exchange of prisoners, he may be 
remembered." 

Frothingham, in his Siege of Boston, after recounting the loss of 
the British, says: "Lieutenant Hall, wounded at Concord Bridge, was 
taken prisoner on retreat and died the next day. Lieutenant Gould 
was wounded at the Bridge and taken prisoner, and exchanged May 
28, for Josiah Breed, of Lynn." In all the published accounts of the 
battle of Lexington five men are reported missing, four besides Mr. 
Breed. On the 6th of June an exchange of prisoners took place in 
Charlestown, between twelve and one o'clock, according to the Essex 
Gazette. Dr. Joseph Warren and General Israel Putnam represented 
in part the Americans, and Major Moncrief the British. The prisoners 
were sent ashore from the Livehj, and among the nine who were 
presented were Samuel Frost and Seth Russell, of Cambridge; Joseph 
Bell, of Danvers; Elijah Seaver, of Roxbury; and Josiah Breed, of 
Lynn, — making the five on the American side. It will thus be seen 
that Mr. Breed was one of the first prisoners taken in the Revolution, 
was confined on one of the princijial British ships, and was exchanged 
for an officer of the British army. 
Bredeen, Samuel, — son of Samuel and Sarah (Narremore) Bredeen, was 
born in Maiden, January 19, 1744, came to Lynn in October, .1765, 

and was warned out December 18, 

7^ Lip '^^■"'' ^^ ^^^^ March 9, 1810, aged 

(-^ sixty-five, and is buried in the old 
Saugus Centre ground. The only Rev- 
olutionary service found is that given in the state archives, as follows: — 
Private, Captain Zadock Buffinton's company. Colonel Samuel 
Johnson's regiment; enlisted August 19, 1777, discharged November 
;{(). 1777, at Cambridge; service, 3 months. 12 days, at the northward. 

[224 ] 




^ 



Lynn in the Revolution 

liuowN, Bk\.ia.mi\, — son of K|)liraiiii and Anna (Twiss) Hrown and brother 
of Kpliraini, liufus, Ezra, and Jonathan, all soldiers, was born Novem- 
ber 17. IT.}?; died in Alalden. March I'), IH.'W, at the age of seventv- 
five. Hevolutionarv service: In Captain Ezra Newhall's company, 
Colonel Jojin ^lansfield's regiment (19th); order for advance pay 
dated Cambridge. Jinie 8. 177;"); also private, com|)any retnrn dated 
October (J, 177."); also Cai)tain Ezra Newhall's company, Colonel 
Israel Ilntchinson's regiment (19th); order for bounty coat or its 
e<piivalent in money, dated Winter Hill, November 4, 1775; also return 
of men mustered by John Cushing, muster-master for Essex Counlv, 
to join Continental Army for the term of nine months, dated Boxford. 
December 8, 1779.— Mass. Muster Rolls. 

Hhown, Ebexezer, — born in Reading, Ma.ss., February hi, 17.57, and mar- 
ried probably Ruth Roden, of Marblehead. February '^1, 178"^. Little 

is known of him exce|)t his service as 
^-^^ a .soldier, which he made oath to at the 
py^^ ^Ufi^'^^^ time of his a])plying for a pension. July 

4. 1833. This is here given \erv nearly 
in the words found in the Pension Office records: — 

■'On April 18, 177o, I belonged to a company of militia and minute- 
men commanded bv John Brooks, of Reading, and in the evening of 
said day his company with other companies was ordered to march 
to Concord, and on the next morning, being the 19th of April, in their 
march for Concord, they being then in Menotomy we took a number 
of wagons belonging to the British forces, laden with stores and muni- 
tions of war to supply British forces on their retreat back to Boston. 
AVe captured the wagons and made ])risoners of the men who drove 
them. 1 was appointed one of the guards to march with the prisoners 
to Medford, and they were delivered to the lawful authority to secure 
them, after which we again returned to Menotomy and assisted in 
taking care of the dead, slain by the British forces on their retreat to 
Boston. We then with the other guards and a promiscuous company 
of Americans pursued after the British forces until they reached Charles- 
town, after which a part of the company marched to Medford and 
there encamped for the night. The next morning the company com- 
manded by ("apt. Brooks, to which 1 belonged, marched to Cam- 
bridge, and there continued doing duty imtil about the first of May, 

[ '225 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

and was then discharged. On the 2d of May enlisted in Capt. Ezra 
Xewhall's companv, in Col. John Mansfield's regiment then at Cam- 
bridge, and there did duty under command of General Ward, until 
some time in June following, when General Washington came to take 
command of the American Army. We continued to do duty from 
time to time at Cambridge until December ol, 1775, when I was dis- 
charged. On July 1, 1777, I enlisted as drummer in a company com- 
manded by Capt. Thomas Townsend, of lAnn, for a term of foui- 
months, and the company marched to Boston, and was quartered' on 
Fort Hill, doing duty in guarding stores placed on Boston Common, 
until Nov. 1, 1777, when discharged. Nov. 3, 1777, again enlisted, 
this time as substitute for Vivian Bly, of Salem, as drummer, for 
three months in Capt. Miles Greenwood's company, Col. Jacob 
(ierrish's regiment of guards. We were stationed at Winter Hill 
over the Hessian troo{)s, part of the army commanded by General 
Burgoyne, and served until time expired. On Feb. 3, 1778, again 
enlisted in same companv antl did duty as drummer until April .">. 
1778." 

Jonathan I |)t()n made oath that he was with Brown, and Bowman 
^"iles, of Lvnnfield. c-ontirmed the same. This affidavit was sworn to 
July 4, 1833, and pension was allowed from March 4. 1S31, at the rate 
of $6-2.40 per year, with $!.)(> back pay. 
Brown, Ephraim, — son of Ephraim and Anna (Twist or Twiss) Brown, 
was born in Saugus, June 19, 1743, and with his brothers Jonathan and 
Ezra served at the Lexington alarm. His brother Rufus was also a 
jirivate in Captain Ezra Newhall's company at the same time. Ephraim 
and his father had ])oth been in the service of the king in the French and 

Indian War. Ephraim. Sr., appears 

^ /f i/,if //d '*'^^*''**'^'^ *^" '* billeting roll of Captain Parker's 

f^ company. Colonel Nicholl's regiment, 

in 1758. Ephraim, Jr., enlisted in His 
Majesty's ser^•ice February 19, 1760, for the total reduction of Canada. 
His father at this time was in Captain Thomas Cheever's company. 
Colonel Fry's regiment, and served to November "i, 1760; ser^'ice in 
Nova Scotia. Ephraim, Jr., was enlisted by Samuel Berry, and mus- 
tered at Salem, May 19, 1760, by Ichabod Plaisted, commissary of 
muster. He served until December 7, when he was allowed one hundred 

[ 226 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

and five miles of travel and diseliarged. He enlisted again April '27, 1762, 
as a private in the company of Captain Jonathan f'arver, and con- 
tinned in service at Crown Point during most of the time until the 
close of the war, in 1763. He was therefore well ])repared to meet 
the British with Captain David Parker's company, which went out on 
the morning of April 19, 177;). Although later service in the Revolu- 
tion does not aj)pear on the records, it is not improbable that he took 
some further part. 

He married Mrs. Sally Inguls May 2;}, 1790, and they had children. 
Sarah, John, and Lydia. His home, at one time at least, was the 
house now occuj^ied by William H. Penney, and known as the " Stephen 
Hall Farm." The house is at the junction of Essex Street and the 
Xewburvport turnpike, Saugus. It has been supplied with a new roof 
and windows, and other modern improvements, which have com- 
pletely disguised the home of the Ucvohifioiiary period. The date and 
place of his death is unknown. 
Hrowx, Ezka, — son of Kphraim and Anna (Twiss or Twist) Brown, was 
born in Saugus in the old Stephen Hall house, November 2, 17.'5(), and 
was a brother of Benjamin, Rufus. K|)hraim. and Jonathan, all of 
whom were in the Revtilutionarv War. It was long before the Revo- 
lution that his father bought the old farm in Saugus later known as the 

Stephen Hall place, where he and his 

y^ ^^ y children lived during the war, and 

^"^^5 /^ T'T/T*/ /'x--' where Ezra afterward lived and reared 

a large family. It was Mr. Hall, the 
occupant of 18()(t, who modernized the house in every way. 

Ezra Brown was married by Rev. Mr. Roby November 2.3, 1779, to 
Jane Stocker, daughter of John and Ruth (Breed) Stocker. born May 
14, 17.58, and had children. Martha. Ruth, Sarah, Ezra, Marshall. 
Theodate, Ebenezer. James, Rebecca, and Rachel. All of these chil- 
dren were born before 1800. Marshall and Theodate were twins. 
Martha married Nathan ^Mudge; Ruth married Benjamin Williams; 
Sarah, John Mudge, who changed his name to Parker Mudge; Rebecca. 
Jacob Ingalls; Rachel, James Parrott; Theodate, Micajah C. Pratt; 
Ebenezer, Eliza Ire.son; James, Rebecca Stone. The mother, Jane 
Stocker, died March ^.j, 180.5. He was nuirried, second, October 8. 
1807. by Rev. Mr. Frothingham, to Mary Man.sfield, daughter of Thomas- 

[ <2^27 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

and Marv (Hawkes) Mansfield, horn Jnne 4, 17(i'5, and who died ins 
widow September G, 1849, aged eighty-six. 

E/ra Brown responded quickly to the morning call of the 19th of 
April, and with his brothers, Ephraim and Jonathan, went with Cap- 
tain Parker's company to Menotomy. On May 4, 1775, he enlistefl 
as a drummer in Captain Ezra Newhall's company, Colonel John 
Mansfield's regiment (the 19th), receiving advance pay at Cambridge, 
June 8. He was present at Cobble Hill during the battle of Bunker 
Hill, but the company did not go into action. He went into camp at 
Winter Hill during the fall, and on November 4 received the customary 
order for a bounty coat or its equivalent in money for having enlisted 
for eight months" service. He served through the siege of Boston, 
suffering much hardship during the bleak. winter in camp. His service 
through the Revolution beyond this point is not recorded. He was a 
farmer, and an honest, upright, and industrious citizen. The sons and 
daughters of his large family were drawn by marriage from the western 
l)orders of the town to the eastern section where their descenflants still 
remain prominent in many w'alks of life. After the war he was com- 
missioned quartermaster of the 5th regiment, 1st brigade, "^d division. 
Massachusetts militia, and the connnission, signed by John Hancock. 
November 10, 1788, is in possession of his grandson, Mr. Charles A. 
Brown, of Lynn. He died in Saugus, February 19, 18"-29. aged seventy- 
eight, greatly esteemed for his honesty and integrity. His will on file 
in the probate records indicates that he was one of the well-to-do men 
of those times. He is buried in the old ground at Saugus Centre 
beside his wife, Mary. The inscription on his gravestone is a worthy 
tribute: — 

"This nioiiunient is inscril)ed to the memory of a belovefl father. 

He proved wliat virtue wa.s and now his Lord 
Has shown to him how well he can reward." 

The graves are marked by slate stones, and were restored by his 
grandson in 190;}. A marker of the S. A. R. was [)laced on the spot, 
also in 190.S. 

Brown, James, — private, son of Jonathan and Mehitable, was born in Read- 
ing, January '-28, 1743. His only service apj)ears to have been with 
Cai)tain Bancroft's company. Ajml 19. 177.5. 

[ 2*28 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

He first inarriocl Lvdia Nichols, of Ueading, born 1748, died in Lynn- 
Held, October •,*, 17S(i. Tie was married, second, by Kev. Joseph 

Mottey, Jidy 1^2, 1787, to Susannah 
WeUiiian, daughter of Stephen and 




^ Vy t.'^ >>eumaii, uaugjuer oi oiepnen ana 

'^♦^ /^^^y^TfvZ ^ Susannah Welhnan, sister of Jesse and 

Thomas Wellman. He died in Lynn- 
field, January 5, 181.5, and is buried in the old cemetery at Lynnfield 
Centre. His grave and that of his wife Lvdia are marked by grave- 
stones. A bronze marker of the S. A. K. was placed there in 1904. 
Ukowx, John, — was probably the son of Nathaniel and Ginger Brown, 
of Danvers, born April 16, 1758. Descriptive list of men raised to 
reinforce the Continental Army, resolve June o, 1780; age, twenty- 
three; height, aft., 9 in.; complexion, fresh; arrived at Springfield July 
13, 1780; also list of men raised for the six months' service and re- 
turned as having passed muster in a return dated Camp Totoway, 
October '2.5, 1780; also list of men raised, resolve December 2, 1780; 
enlisted April .5, 1781; three years; residence, Lynn; al.so private, 
Captain John Fray's company, Colonel Joseph Vose's 1st regiment; 
muster-roll for ]NLiy, 1781, dated West Point; also rolls for June and 
July, 1781, dated Phillipsburgh; also rolls for August and September, 
1781, October and November, 1781, January and February, 178'-2, 
dated York Hutts.— Ma.ss. Rolls. 

Letters of administration were filed May 1.5, 1815, on the estate of 
John Brown, of Lynnfield. Notice of the same was to be posted at 
Ebenezer Parsons's Tavern. This is the only John Brown shown 
on the probate records. 
Buowx, Jonathan, — private, son of Ephraim and Anna (Twiss) Brown, 
was born in Saugus, September ^l^l, 1755. With his brothers, Ephraim 
and Ezra, he marched with Ca])tain David Parker's company to Menot- 
omy, and was in the "Runaway fight with the Regulars." In 177(i 
he removed to Salem, where he soon after married. He enlisted in 

February, 1776, in Captain Benjamin 

Epes's company. Colonel Smith's regi- 
''Ci.\.^'^ - nient, and served until Boston was 

evacuated by the British, entering the 
town with his company. In the fall of that year he served as sergeant 
in Captain John Pool's company. Colonel Cogswell's regiment. In the 

[ 229 ] 



</crrL^-^^c 



Lynn in the Revolution 

summer of 1778 he enlisted as a sergeant in Captain Nathan Sargent's 
company, Colonel Jacob Gerrish's regiment of guards. Upon the 
arrival at Cambridge of General Burgoyne with his army of prisoners, 
his company, did guard duty over them for six months. He again en- 
tered the service January 26, 1779, as second lieutenant of the same 
company, and served until May 7, doing duty under Major-General 
Gates around Boston. In 1780 he enlisted ir\ Captain Stephen Webb's 
company, and served eighteen months in a fort near Salem. His name 
was borne on the rolls of the Continental Army as late as October 28, 
1783, when he appears on a pay warrant of Captain Webb's company. 

On August 2, 183'-2, he appeared and made a deposition in regard 
to his service, in order that a small pension might be granted him. His 
old comrades, Abner Cheever, Thomas Florence, Micajah Newhall, 
Harris Chadwell, and Amos Boardman, had previously made oath 
that they had served va\h him in the war. As further evidence of his 
service, he tiled his commission as second lieutenant in Captain Nathan 
Sargent's company, issued to him January 26, 1779, by the council. 
This commission and the depositions are on file in the archives of the 
Pension Office at W'ashington. Before his claim was acted upon, 
however, he died, August 29, 1832, at the age of seventy-six. After 
his death his widow, Sarah, was pensioned at the rate of $123.33 per 
year, and received $617.81 back pay. She died July 27, 1845, in Salem, 
leaving two children, Ephraim and Jonathan, to whom the accrued 
pension was j)aid. Jonathan Brown, Sr., was probably buried in 
Salem, but the spot is unknown. 

Brown, Joshua, — was a private in Captain Bancroft's Lvnnfield com- 
pany, but nothing whatever is known of him. 

Brown, Rufus, — was son of Ephraim and Anna (Twiss) Brown, born Sep- 
tember 5, 1744, and brother to Ephraim, Ezra, Jonathan, and Benja- 
min. He was published to Lydia, 
of Ezra Burrill, September 9, 
married January 19, 1765. He 
:'ordwainer, and, according to 
a deed given in 1784, was at that time "of Boston." 

His Revolutionary record is as follows: Private, Captain Ezra New- 
hall's company of minute-men which marched on the alarm of April 
19, 1775; ser\ice, fourteen days; also Captain Newhall's company. 

[ 230 ] 



min. He 
/ . ' was a c( 



Lynn in the Revolution 

Colonel John Mansfield's regiment; order for advance pay dated 
Cambridge, June 8, 177o; also muster-roll dated August 1, 1775; 
enlisted May 3, 177.5; service, three months, five days; also private. 
Captain Zadock Buffinton's company, Colonel Samuel Johnson's regi- 
ment; enlisted August 14, 1777; discharged November 30, 1777, at 
Cambridge; service, three months, seventeen days, at the northward; 
also Caj)tain Simeon Brown's company. Colonel Jacob Gerrisli's regi- 
ment of guards; service from April 2, 1778, to July 3, 1778; roll dated 
Camp at Winter Hill; also Captain Samuel Huse's company. Colonel 
Gerrish's regiment of guards; enlisted July 19, 1778, discharged 
December 14, 1778; service, four months, twenty-seven days; also 
Captain Jeremiah Putnam's company, Colonel Nathan Tyler's regi- 
ment, enHsted July 15, 1779; service to December 1, 1779, four months 
and sixteen days, at Rhode Island; also same company and regiment, 
pay-roll for December, 1779; serWce, one month five days at Rhode 
Island. — Mass. Rolls. 

Biu)WN% Samuel. — A Samuel, son of Joseph and Easter, born July 13, 
175'i, may have been tliis man, but it is not certain. He was paid a 
bounty of $"24 by Lynn, June 26, 1777. The Revolutionary service 
as given is as follows: Return of men enUsted into the Continental 
Army from the 1st Essex County regiment dated February 16, 1778; 
residence, Lynn; enlisted for the town of Lynn; joined Captain Joseph 
WilHams's company, Colonel John Greaton's regiment (2d), enlistment 
three years; rei)orted mustered by Nathaniel Barber, muster-master; 
also private Captain Williams's comj^any, Colonel Greaton's regi- 
ment (3d); Continental Army pay accounts for ser\-ice from June 
26, 1777, to December 31, 1780; also descriptive list of enUsted men 
dated West Point, January 25, 1781; Colonel Greaton's (3d) regi- 
ment; age, twenty-four years; stature, 5 ft. 6 in.; complexion, dark; 
eyes, brown; residence, Lynn; enlisted January 1, 1777. by Lieutenant 
Tiittle; enlistment during the war. — Mass. Rolls. 

BHrcK, Lewis, — not accredited to Lynn, but was a resident of Lynn after 
the war. He lived after the death of Jedediah Newhall in the latter's 
house on Boston Street, and ran the mill on Waterhill Street for a time. 
He was born in 1762, and died in Lynn, July 2, 1828, at the age of sixty- 
six years. The Lynn Mirror at that time stated that he was one of the 
six Revolutionary |)ensioners of Lynn. He is buried in the old Eastern 

[ ^^31 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

Ground, beside his wife, Hannah, who died March 10, 1836. The 
graves are marked. 

Bryant, Jonathan, — was probably of Saugus, born September '■I'i. 175.5, 
and died August 29, 183*2. Nothing is known of him. 

Revohitionary record: Private, Captain Ezra Newhall's company. 
Colonel John Mansfield's regiment (1 9th), company dated October 
6, 1775; also Captain Newhall's company, Colonel Israel Hutchin- 
.son's regiment (19th), order for bounty coat or its equivalent in money 
dated Winter Hill, November 4, 1775. — Mass. Rolls. 

HiHCHSTED, Benjamin Brame, — private, son of Dr. Henry and Mrs. Anna 
(Brame) Aldeii Burchsted, was born in Lynn, March (5, 1733-34. His 
father. Dr. Henry Burchsted, born 1690, was well known as a physician, 
and his grandfather, Dr. John Henry Burchsted, of Silesia, born 
1657, was one of the famous men of his day. The latter died Septem- 
ber W, 17'-21, and his conspicuous gravestone in the old Western Burial 
Ground, with its quaint and lengthy inscription, has attracted the atten- 
tion of the curious for nearly two hundred years. The mother of Ben- 
jamin Brame Burchsted was the daughter of Benjamin and Elizabeth 
(Clemy) Brame, born in Boston. Her first husband was John Alden. 
great-grandson of John and Priscilla (Mullins) Alden, of Plymouth. 

Like his ancestors for two generations, Benjamin Brame Burchsted 
studied medicine. He entered Uj)on its practice in Lynn, making his 
home on Boston Street between the present Wyman and Flint Streets. 
The house, one of the most ancient in Lynn, was demolished in 1857 
He was married April 3, 1760, by Rev. Andrew Elliott, of Boston, to 
Elizabeth Skilling, of that place, daughter of Simeon and Ruth (Phil- 
lips) Skilling, born January '27, 1739. His children were Elizabeth, 
.\nna, Henry, James Tyler, Ruth, Sarah, Sarah, Mary. Lucy, Benjamin 
Brame, Joanna, and Hepzibah. Although one of the dignitaries of the 
little town, he was enrolled as a member of Captain Farrington's com- 
j)any of minute-men, and marched with his neighbors on the morning 
of April 19, 1775, drawing two days' pay therefor. He saw no further 
military service, but continued the practice of his profession during 
the Avar. At that time the small-pox was very prevalent in Lynn and 
Boston, and small companies often retired to c-onvenient ])laces, thai 
they might undergo the disease in a light form. In 1777 a company 
of nineteen men of Ivvnn went to Marblehead for that purpose, and 

[ '23'2 ] 



Lynn in the Revolution 

Dr. IJurchsted acted as their physician. A note in Richard Pratt's 
"Commonplace-Book" indicates that they all came home well, each 
bearing the following certificate: "M'head, June 4th, 1777. By 
virtue of this certificate, permit the within mention'd person, after being 
smok'd, to pass ye guards. John (lerry." 

Dr. Burchsted's farm comprised all the land now occupied by Flint 
and Wyman Streets, and extended back to Walnut Street, in all about 
twenty acres. His grandson was Benjamin Burchsted Johnson, father 
of Edwin II. Johnson, so well remembered by the present generation. 
Dr. Burchsted lived but a short time after the Revolution, his death 
occurring in the summer of 1785. His will was filed for [)robate Septem- 
ber (5. 1785, at which time his wife, Elizabeth, appears to have been in- 
capacitated from serving as administratrix. Colonel John Mansfield. 
Colonel .lohn Flagg, and Samuel Burrill were appointed appraisers. 
and according to the (rustom of the day made an exact minute of every- 
thing found in the estate. Thus they listed among other things '""^ 
cupping glasses, 1 shilling; 4 dozen bottles, 8 shillings; It dozen vials. 
1 shilling 8 pence; mortar and pestle 3 shillings." He is buried among 
his ancestors in the old Western Burial Ground, where a marble grave- 
stone and bronze marker of the vS. A. R. were erected to his memory in 
1904. 
BI'Rchstf:.\d, Henry, — ^son of Dr. Henry and Anna Potter, was born Feb- 
ruary -23, 174'-2; married by Rev. John Treadwell. May 8, 17(j(>, to 
Elizabeth Newhall, who was born December 'i'-i, 1741. The estate 
on Boston Street, known as the "Busted Johnson" place, from its 
owner Benjamin Burchstead Johnson, was formerly owned and occu- 
pied by Ilemv Burchstead, a shoe- 
^2 , >/—/ maker, who bought it in 1770 from the 
*^^ last of the Potters who had held it 

since 1(530. In 1810 he settled the 
place upon his nephew. Benjamin Burchstead John.son, who was to 
care for him while he lived. The old house was one of the most ancient 
in Lynn, a lean-to. which was torn down in 1857. Henry Burchstead 
died Thursday. November 20. 1823. at the age of eighty-one years and 
eight months. His wife Elizabeth died Saturday. September 18. 1819. 
aged seventy-.seven years and nine nionths. rii(>ir childrcM were Fred- 
erick. rie?irv. and .\iina. 

[ ^2.S8 ] 



>^i^^^ 



Lynn in the Revolution 

The only Ucvolutionarv ser\dce known of Henry Burchstead is that 
which he gave on the 19th of April, 177,5, when he inarched on the 
alarm to Concord in Cajitain Rufus Mansfield's (4th) Lynn company. 
BuRNHAM, Joshua,— son of Dr. Joshua and Anna (Poole) Burnham, was 
born April 29, 17.57, and died at his daughter's in Wakefield, February 
1 1 . 1840. He is buried in an unmarked grave in the old bur^-ing-ground 

of that place. His wife was Lois 
/i /! ,, yf Bryant, and he lived at one time upon 

^^ a> <r-'^ c^'-ryryy ^^^^ place afterward owned and occu- 

pied by Thomas E. Cox, who was his 
son-in-law. His wife died February 21, 1824, at the age of eighty- 
five. They had seven children. 

Joshua Burnham was a ])rivate in Captain Ezra Newhall's company 
which marched on the alarm of April 19, 1775, service, seventeen days; 
also Captain Newhall's company. Colonel John Mansfield's regiment, 
order for advance pay dated Cambridge, June 8, 1775; also Captain 
Newhall's company. Colonel Mansfield's (19th) regiment, commanded 
by Lieutenant-Colonel Israel Hutchinson; muster-roll dated August 1, 
1775, enlisted May 6, 1775; service, three months and two days; also 
company return dated October 6, 1775. 
Burnham, Timothy, — son of Dr. Joshua and Susannah (Poole) Burnham, 
was born in 1755. He was married by Rev. Joseph Roby to Kate Sher- 
man, daughter of Nathaniel and Susannah Sherman, February 27, 1762. 
Nothing further is known of him. 

Revolutionary record: Private in Captain Ezra Newhall's company 
of minute-men which inarched on the alarm of April 19, 1775, service, 
fifteen days; also Captain Newhall's company, Colonel John Mans- 
field's regiment, order for advance pay dated Cambridge, June 8, 1775; 
also Captain Newhall's company, Colonel John Mansfield's (19th) 
regiment, commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Israel Hutchinson; 
muster-roll dated August 1, 1775; enlisted May 4, 1775; ser^'ice, three 
months, four days; also company return dated October 6, 1775; order 
for bounty coat or its equivalent in money dated Winter Hill, Nov- 
ember 4, 1775.— Mass. Rolls. 



[ ^^34 ] 



INDEX 



Ind 



ex 



The following index includes the names of persons and places 
mentioned in this book, with the exception of names of officers com- 
manding the various companies and regiments, together with the 
names of places, which are to be found in the Biographical Sketches 
under the service of each Lynn soldier. Inasmuch as these names are 
repeatedly mentioned in the records of service, it has seemed unnec- 
essary to further repeat them in an index. A reference to the Revolu- 
tionary record of any soldier will give the ofiicers under whom he 
served and the places at which he was stationed. 

Pa<;es 1 to 234 are in Part I. Pages 235 to 504 are in Part II. 



Aborn, Aaron, 13.>, 431. 
Aborn, Ebenezer, 18.^. 
Aborn, Ebenezer, Jr., 185. 
Aborn, Moses, 99, 185. 
Aborn, Samuel, xxi. 
Adams, Benjamin, 187, 445. 
Adams, John, 66, 129. 
Adams, Joseph, 143, 188. 
Adams, Samuel, 66. 
Albany, 96, 103. 
Aldeni Anna, 243, 296. 
Alden, Anna (Brame), 232. 
Alden, Col., 161. 
Alden, John, 232. 
Alden, Priscilla, 232. 
Allen, Ethan, 82. 
Allen, Lemuel, 188, 428. 
Allen, Ruth L., 237. 
Alley, Ehzabeth, 422. 
Alley, Ephraim, 189. 
Allev, Hugh, xxi, 189. 
Alley, Huldah (Newhall), 425. 
Alley, Jacob, 425. 
Alley, James, 116, 190. 
Alley, Jerusha, 425. 
Alley, John, xxi, 301. 
Allev, Joseph, 57, 190. 
Alley, Marv, 191. 



Alley, Micajah, 301. 

Alley, Nathan, 191. 

Anabell, John, 110. 

Anbury's Journal, 107. 

Ancient and Honorable Artillery 

Company, 4. 
Anderson, John, 138. 
Andre, Major John, 132, 133, 137, 

138, 139. 
Angell, Major, 72. 
Angier, Capt. William, 64. 
Arlington, 40, 48. 
Arnold, Benedict, 76, 77, 82, 85, 98, 

132, 133, 134, 137, 138, 139. 
Ashton, Rebecca, 398. 
Atkinson, Mrs. EHza M., 446. 
Att\nll, Amos, 194, 416. 
Attw-ill, Lydia, 443. 
Attwill, 27, 192. 
Attwill, Sarah, 218. 
Att\nll, Thomas, 141. 
Attwill, Thomas Hicks, 193. 
Att\\ill, William, 109, 110, 193. 
Attwill, Zachariah, 117, 194, 254. 

Bacheller, Archealus, 69. 
Bacheller, James, 31, 195. 
Bacheller, Jonathan, 110, 111, 195, 



[i] 



Index 



Bacheller, Judith, 453. 

Bacheller, Lois, 4'-26. 

Bacheller. Sarah, 37^2. 

Bacheller, Theophilus, 108, 110, 117, 

183, 19G, 271. 
Bacon, Lieut. John, 48. 
Bailey, x\aron, 197. 
Bailey, Ephraim, 183. 
Baker, Edward, xx. 
Baker, John, 58, 93, 109, 197, 442. 
Baker, Thomas, 5. 
Baldwin, Mrs. George, 206. 
Ballard, Ebenezer, 197. 
Ballard, Joseph, 113, 143, 197, 442. 
Ballard, Rebecca, 208. 
Ballard, William, xx. 
Bancroft, Ebenezer, 405. 
Bancroft, Capt. Ebenezer, 201, 202, 

203. 
Bancroft, Esau, 198. 
Bancroft, Eve, 199. 
Bancroft, Hannah, 261. 
Bancroft, Lieut. James, 69, 198. 
Bancroft, James, 99, 199. 
Bancroft, Job, 109, 199. 
Bancroft, John, xx, 58, 200, 343. 
Bancroft, Mary (Newhall-Mansfield), 

300. 
Bancroft, Mary (Taylor), 261. 
Bancroft, Capt. Nathaniel, 11, 22, 

23, 34, 37, 38, 39, 41, 42, 43, 48, 

49, 50, 201, 203. 
Bancroft, Rachel, 300. 
Bancroft, Ruth, 207. 
Bancroft, Ruth (Newhall), 343. 
Bancroft, Timothy, 300. 
Bancroft, Thomas, xxi, 186, 201. 
Barnard, Parson, 21. 
Barnes, Capt. Thomas, 68, 69. 
Barnstable, 123. 
Barrett, Col., 68. 

Barrett, Ehzabeth (Wadsworth), 283. 
Barrett, Joseph, 283. 
Barrett, Ruth (Smallidge), 283. 



Barron, Lucy, 197. 
Bassett, Isaac, 302. 
Bassett, William, 204. 
Batchelder, Hannah, 190, 223. 
Batchelder, Mehitable (Aborn), 186. 
Batchelder, Samuel, 301. 
Bates, Samuel, 140, 204. 
Bates, Sarah, 462. 
Batts, John, 20, 205. 
Baxter, Abigail, 440. 
Beens, Hannah, 303. 
Beetle, Edward, 209. 
Belknap, Abel, 57, 92, 206, 442. 
Belknap, Abraham, xxi. 
Bell, Joseph, 224. 
Bemis Heights, 105. 
Bennett, Mrs. Mary Caroline Phil- 
lips, 274. 
Bennett, Samuel, 201. 
Bennington, 106. 
Bent, Timothy, 207. 
Bernard, Governor, 8. 
Berry, Abigail, 320. 
Berry, Hannah, 436. 
Berry, James, 207. 
Berry, John, 207. 
Berry, Mary, 381, 387. 
Berry, Samuel, 39, 57, 208. 
Berry, Sarah, 381. 
Berry, Thomas, 100, 208. 
Beverly, 78, 127. 
Bickford, John, 116. 
Bigelow, Col. Timothy, 99. 
Birch, Brook, 1, 4. 
Bird, C. S., 354. 
Birnett, Joseph, 81. 
Black Ann's Corner, 42. 
Black Marsh Lane, 27. 
Blanchard, Amos, 183, 209. 
Blanchard, John, 58, 210. 
Blue Hills, XV. 
Boardman, Aaron, 110, 210. 
Boardman, Abiah, 210, 433. 
Boardman, Amos, 210, 230, 433. 



[ii] 



Ind 



ex 



Boardinan. Beiijaniin, lOi). 
Boanlinaii, Eunice (Cheever), '•28 
Boardinan, Iveny, -21'-2. 
Boardnian, Ivory, 'i\-l. 
Boardman, JohA, 116, ^13, '28^2. 
Boardnian, Lois, '28'2. 
Boardnian, Samuel, 110, ^214. 
Boardnian. Sarah, 433. 
lioardnian. William, 214, 433. 
Boden, Ilutli, ^225. 
Boston, XV, xxi, 12, 24. 
Boston Massacre, 8. 
"Boston," Ship, 129. 
Boston Street, 2, 29, 30. 
Bow Bend, 32. 
Bowden, or Bowdoin, Benjamin, 

110, 216. 
Bowden, Susannah, 302. 
Bowdoin, or Bowden, Francis, 

92, 216. 
Bowen, Edward, 92, 21o. 
Bowers, Mercy or Martha, 283. 
Bowler, James, 14. 
Boynton, Da\'id S., 19.5. 
Boynton, Xathaniel, 217. 
Bozune, John, 117. 
Brage, Josiah, 218. 
Brajjo-, Josiah, 218. 
Brame, Benjamin, 232. 
Brame, Ehzabeth (Cleniy), 232. 
Brandvwine, 117. 
Breed," Aaron, 31, 112, 218, 442. 
Breed, Abigail, 25o. 
Breed, Abraham, 301. 
Breed, Allen, xx, 31, 219, 220. 
Breed, Amos, 218. 
Breed, Benjamin, 301. 
Breed, Elizabeth, 19a. 
Breed's End, 2, 27, 149. 
Breed, Ephraim, 31, 37, 4.5, 189, 

246, 292, 319. 
Breed, Col. Frederick, 30, (59, 79 

149, 183, 220, 386. 
Breed, Hepzibah, 313. 



92, 



.58. 



219, 
, 92, 



Breed, Mrs. Henry II., 446. 

Breed, Jane, 341, 343. 

Breed, Jerusha, 190. 

Breed, Joel, 222, 442. 

Breed, Jo.seph, 116, 220, 223. 

Breed, Josiah, 44, 223, 224, 284, 442. 

Breed, Lois, 190, 371. 

Breed, Love, 363, 371. 

Breed, Lydia, 320. 

Breed, Lydia ((lott), 223. 

Breed, Martha (INIansfield), 292. 

Breed, Martha (Newhall), 321. 

Breed, Marv, 223, 335, 363, 374. 

Breed, Mary (Newhall), 222. 

Breed, Meliitable, 196. 

Breed, Nathan, 374. 

Breed, Ruth, 223, 227, 246. 

Breed, Samuel, 220. 

Breed, Susanna. 292. 

Breed, Susannah (Newhall), 223. 

Breed, Theophilus, 113, 321. 

Breedeen, or Bredeen, Samuel, 224. 

Bredeen, Sarah (Narramore), 224. 

Breeding, Samuel, 111, 

Briant, Jonathan, .57. 

Bridges, Captain, 4. 

Bridge, Col. Ebenezer, 68, 73. 

Bridge Street, 30. 

Brimbleconi, Samuel, 64. 

Broad Street, 27. 

Brookline, 1 1 . 

Brown, Anna (T\\'iss or Tavist), 22;5. 

Brown, Benjamin, 111, 225. 

Brown, Charles A., 228. 

Brown, Easter, 231. 

Brown, Ebenezer, 58, 109, 225. 

Brown, Edward, 116. 

Brown, Ephraim, 226, 350, 456. 

Brown, Esther (Men-iam), 287. 

Brown, Ezra, 57, 227. 

Brown, Ginger, 229. 

Brown, Hannah, 205, 295, 350, 411. 

Brown, James, 228. 

Brown, Jerusha, 287. 



[iii] 



Ind 



ex 



Brown, John, 140, 143, 2^29. 

Brown, Jonathan, '2'-29. 

Brown, Joseph, 231, 287. 

Brown, Joshua, 99, 220. 

Brown, Mary, 211. 287, 465. 

Brown, Mehital)le. 228. 

Brown, Capt. Nathan, 08, 09. 

Brown, Nathaniel, 229. 

Brown, Nicholas, xx. 

Brown, Rufus, 57, 109, 112, 230. 

Brown, Samuel, 99, 143, 231. 

Brown, Capt. Simeon. 109, 110. 

Brown, Stephen, 110. 

Brown, Susanna. 200, 268, 305, 300. 

Brown, Col. WiUiam, 20, 21, 64. 

Bruce, Lewis, 183. 231, 205. 

Bryant, Jonathan. 232. 

Bryant, Lois, 234. 

Bryant, Sarah, 433. 

Bubier, Christopher, 193. 

Bubier, Edward, 193. 

Bubier, Samuel M., 41, 197. 

Buffington, or Buffinton, Zadock, 09. 

111. 112. 
Bulfinch Street, 30. 
Bullard, Col. Samuel, 08. 
Burchstead, Mrs. Anna, 232, 337. 
Burchstead, Benjamin Brame, 30, 

232, 308. 
Burchstead, Henry, 233, 243. 
Burchstead, Dr. Henry, 232, 233. 
Burclistead, Dr. John Henry, 232. 
Burchstead, Ruth, 308. 
Burgoyne, Gen. John, 23, 95, 99, 

102," 104, 105, 117. 
Burke, Edmund, 10. 
Burnham, Joshua, 57, 234. 
Burnham, Susannah (Poole), 234. 
Burnham, Timothy, 234. 
Burr, Aaron, 78. 
Bm-rage, John, 234. 
Burrage or Burriage, Melii table 

(Sargent), 234. 
Burriage, Deacon John, 270. 



Burrill, Alden, 99, 235. 

Burrill, Anna (Alden), 235, 239, 290. 

Burrill, Ann, 465. 

Burrill, Anne (Thompson), 239, 240. 

Burrill. Benjamin, 236. 

Burrill, Ebenezer, 7, 9, 16, 19, 26, 29, 

30, 05, 100, 236, 237, 240, 383. 
Burrill. Ebenezer, Esq., 237, 450. 
Burrill, Ellen Mudge, 271. 
Burrill. Ehzabeth, 360. 
Burrill, Ezra, 230. 
Burrill, Eunice, 290, 340, 450. 
Burrill, George, xx, 240. 
Burrill. Israel, 58, 111, 238. 
Burrill. John, 80, 238, 240, 271. 
Burrill, John (Col. John), 29, 239. 
Burrill, Joseph, 140, 240. )* 5-^/ V 
Burrill, Lois, 371, 383. 
Burrill, Lydia, 230. 
Burrill, Martha, 424. 
Burrill, Martha (Farrington), 237, 

243. 
Burrill, Martha (Newhall), 312. 
Burrill, Mary, 450. 
Burrill. Mary (Hills), 236, 243, 424. 
Burrill, Mary (Mansfield), 238, 383. 
Burrill, Micajah, 141, 243, 255, 341. 
Burrill, Samuel, 113, 233, 235, 239, 

243, 296. 
Burrill, Susannah, 312. 
Burrill, Theophilus, 31, 108, 236, 243, 

255, 312, 412, 424. 
Burt, John, 189. 
Butler, Hannah, 283. 
Butterick, Major, 72. 
Butt's Hill, 119. 
Buxton, Abigail, 427. 
Buxton, Stephen, 244. 
Buzzard's Bay, 123. 

Caldwell, Isaac, 116. 
Caldwell. Jacob, 81. 
Caldwell, Stephen, 116. 
Calhoun, John C, 250. 



[iv] 



Ind 



ex 



Caley, Lydia. -2.58. 

Cambridge, 11, I.'), .'5.5, 47, 8-2, 

Canada, i). 

Cape Ann, xv, xvii, xix. 

Carleton, Samuel, "244. 

Carlton, Col., 171. 

Carn, Col., 174. -244. 

Games, Rev. John, '244, "271. 

Carnes Street, "29. 

Carter, Susannah, 4'2G. 

Case, William, 110. 

Cedar Str-et, 30. 

Chadwell, Harris, .'51, .'J8, 4.3, 80, 

1-20, 149, 183, "230, "245, "2.54, 

44"2. 
Chadwell, Mary (Deylee), "24.5. 
Chadwell, Thomas, xx. 
Chamberlain, Garland, .58, 9"2. 

"248, 
Chamberlain, Mary (Philli[)s), 
Chamberlain, Nathaniel, 48. 
Chamberlain, William, 248. 
Champlain, Lake, 85. 
Charlestown, xx, xxi, 44, 47, 58. 
Charlestown Neck, 70. 
Cheever, Abijah, 11,-21, "249. 
Cheever, Major Abner, 11, "20. 

11.3, "249, "251 , "25-2. 
Cheever, Abner, Jr., "230, '■i.Ti. 
Cheever, Ehzabeth (Newhall), "2 
Cheever, Eunice, "212. 
Cheever, Eunice (Ivory), 253. 
Cheever, Ezekiel, 03. 
Cheever, Israel, 57, 93, 110,253, 
Cheever, Mary (Baker), 251. 
Cheever, Mary (Emerson), 253. 
Cheever, Mehital)le (Newhall), 
Cheever, John, 141, 253. 
Cheever, Rachel, 252. 
Cheever, Sarah, 63. 
Cheever, Thomas, 110, 141, 253, 
Cheever, Capt. Thomas, 31, 

"251, "2.53. 
Cheever, Thomas, Jr., 109, 111, 



107. 



116, 
349, 



112, 
248. 



36, 



49. 



442. 



253. 



"254. 
246, 



Cheever, William, 253. 

Chelsea, 2, 4. 

Chestnut Street, 27, ,30. 

Childs, Amariah, 419. 

Childs, Rebecca, 436. 

Childs Street, 29. 

Cliili Station, 206. 

Chittenden, Thomas, 80, 255. 

Choate, Betsey, 443. 

Clark. Betsey, 455. 

Clark, Edmund, 255. 

Clarke, Rev. John, 249. 

Cliftondale, 40. 

Clinton, Gen., "23, 132, 133, 136, 137. 

Clough, Benjamin, 116. 

Coat Roll Resolve, 54. 

Coates, Stephen, 57, 93, 157, 256, 

338. 
Coats, John, 256. 
Coats, PhilUp, 112, 116, 140. 
Coats, Ruth, 256, 333. 
Coats, William, 57, 93, 257. 
Cobble Hill, 70, 82, 150. 
Coggswell, Col., 93. 
Colhcr, Admiral Sir George, 128. 
Collins, Belhia, 463. 
ColHiis. Elizabeth, 414. 
Collins. John. 108, 257. 
Collins, Joseph, 171. 
Collins, Rebecca, 313. 
Collins, Tabitha, "297. 
Col Iyer, John, 257. 
Colson, Sergeant, 166. 
Conanicut Island, 114. 
Conant, Roger, xviii. 
Concord. 25. 
Cook, Benjamin, Jr., 80. 
Cook, James, 116. 
Copp, Samuel, 100. 257. 
Copp's Hill, 61. 
Corey, Lieutenant, 161. 
Cornish, Zerviah, 161. 
Cornwallis, Lord, 132, 144. 
Costekin, Anthonv, 100, 258. 



[V] 



Index 



Cottagv Street, ^20. 

County K»):ul. ^>, -27. K>. 

Cowin, Fnuici.s. ."iS, -2,58. 

Cox. Ahioail, 44-2. 

Cox. Heiijaniiii. Jr.. HO. 

Cox, IJeiijaniin, .Srd., HI. 

Cox, Fnincis, 09. 

Cox, Hannah, -2}).>. 

Cox, Ilepzihah, -2-21. 

Cox, INIarv. -280. 

Cox. Thomas, -2!). 111. 1-20. 1 4;5, ^iriH. 

404. 44-2. 
Cox, Thomas K.. -2S4. 
Cox. WilHam. 100. 
Crafts. Benjamin, 7-2. 
Crane. Col." John. })}). 
Crat, IJenjauiin, 09. 
Cressey, William, 109. 
Croel. Sarah, 305. 
Crown Point, 5, 102. 
Cm-tain. John. 30-2. .39-2. 
Curtain. ISIartha. 39-2. 
C^u-tis. Lydia. -293. -29.-). -290. 
Curtis. Relief, 430. 
Cm-tis. True H., -24(5. 
Cushing, Nathaniel, 98, 143, -259. 
Cushiug. Thomas, -23. 
Cutler. Henry, 81. 
Cutler, John, 57, 259. 

Dag'gett, Susanna. 45.3. 

Dagyr. John Adam, -28. -2!), 100. -200. 

450. 
Danforth. Kh/aheth (Wil.son), -201. 
Danforth. Henry. -294. 
Danforth. John". 58, il-2. I Hi, -20.3, 

201. 
Danforth. Joshua. 57, 93, 110, 110, 

140, -201. 
Danfortli, Keziah (Reed). -2(il. 
Danforth. Nicholas. 201. 
Daniels. Jeremiah, or Jerahmeel. 

100. 203. 
DanieLson, Col.. (iO. 



Danvers. 22. 41. 42. 43. 48, 51, 74, 

78. 
Dartmouth. Karl of. 15. 
Davis. Jacob. 170, 203. 
Davis, John, 203. 
Dawes. William, 35, 50. 
Day, Jemima, 400. 
Dedhani, 48. 
Dennis, Rebecca, .324. 
D'Estaing. (\mnt. 118, 1-20, 122. 
Delaware River, 89, 94. 
Denionl, William. 80. 
Devereux, Samuel, 300 
Deylee, Mary. 215. 
Dexter. Mrs." Mchi table. 447. 
Dimond. David. 110. 
Dixey, William, xviii. 
Dodge, Joim. (i9. 
Dodge, Joanna, 453. 
Dorchester, xx, x.xi. II. 00. 82. 
Downing. Anna, 309. 
Downing. Caleb, 109. 
Downing. Elijah, 309. 
Downing, Joanna, 415. 
Downing, Michal, 384. 
Downing, 'I'honuis, 09. 
DoyI, Matthew, 203. 
Drake, Francis S. 14. 
Drake, Michael, 203. 
Driver, Robert, 5. 
Dunnell, David, 3.54. 
Dunnell, Jonathan, 110, 203. 
Dnmiell. Keziah (Ramsdell), 263, 

354. 
Dunnell. Oliver, 2(i4. 
Dunnell. Reuben, 164, 264. 
Dunnell, Ruth, 333, 354. 
Dutch. Daniel. 116. 

East India Comjiany. Ki. 
Ealou, .\nna (Hutc-hinson), 205. 
Eaton, Elizabeth, -201. 
Eaton, Joseph, 205. 
Edes, Samuel, 204. 



[vi] 



Ind 



ex 



Kdiniiiids, .Tjiiiies. ."iT, ^-Hh'). 
K(liiiiiii(ls, Joscpli. '^(i.>, 4.")(i. 
ImIiuuikIs, Mary (Fn). '^(m. 
Ediimiuls, William, xx. 
Edward, VorL !)S. lO.S, KM;. 
Efjjg Rock, XV. 
Eliot, Prudenc-e, Sl^J. 
Eiiier.son, Dr., of Salem, 8'-2'^. 
Emerson, Rev. J., '■205. 
Emerson, Ephraim, ()J). 
l^mersoii, Mrs. Marv, ^i.')\. 
Emerson, Ke\ . William, .)(!. 
Emmerton, James II., JJG8. 
Endieott, John, xviii, xix, '297. 
Endieott, Mehi table, '297. 
English, Joseph, IK!. 
Enos, Lieut. -("ol. Itoger, 78. 
E.ssex County, xv, .>, 41, 78, 91, 1'2(). 
Essex Street," 3, '27, 31, 46. 
Estes, Nathaniel, IKi. 

Fairhaven, 123. 

Farington, Ezra, ^({(i. 

Farington, Joanna, 388. 

Farington, John, 80, 260, 33.5. 

Faringioii, Sarah (Breed), !2()(j. 

Farley, Jonathan, '2(50. 

Fa rr,"^ Nathan, 101. 

Farrington, Abigail (Fuller), 268, 

335. 
Farrington, Edmund, xxi, 268. 
Farrington, Elizabeth (Smith), 267. 
Farrington, John, 267. 
Farrington, John, Jr., 267. 
Farrington, Job, 5. 
Farrington, Joseph, 57, 116, 267. 
Farrington, Lydia, 335. 
Farrington, Theo|)hilus, 93, 140, 

206, 267. 
Farrington, Thomas, 106. 
Farrington, Capt. W'iUiam, .30, 33, 38, 

40, 46, 48, 49, 50, 53, 68, 75, 268, 

388. 
Fayette Street, 27, 31. 



Fearii, James, 116, 272. 

Federal Street, 27, .30. 

Felt, Mrs. Abigail, 4()0. 

Felt, Eunice, 431. 

Felt, Aaron, 272. 

Felt, Jonathan, 80, 272. 

Felt, Joseph, 92, 109, 272. 

Felt, Joshua, 43, 272. 

Felt, Mary (Waitt), 272. 

Felt, Robert, 80, 110, 141. 

Feltoji, Mary, 457. 

Fiske, Dudley H., 438. 

Fiske, Eunice, 344. 

Flagg, Rev. Ebenezer, 273. 

Flagg, Gershom, 273. 

Flagg, Hannah, 205. 

Flagg, Dr. John, 11, 18, 21, 30, 98, 

119. 189, 233, 273. 
Flagg, Samuel, 101. 
Flagg. Thomas, 273. 
Flax Fond, 2. 

Fleming, Michael, 143, 276. 
Flinn, John, 100, 143. 
FHnt, Ede, 362. 
Flint, Ede (Upton), 362. 
Flint, or Flin, Mary, 328. 
Flint, Capt. Samuel, 64, 362. 
Flint, Sarah, 4(>4. 
FHnt Street, 29. 
Flint, William, 39, 4.3, 48, 276. 
Florence, Charles, 58, 93, 100, 125, 

126, 157, 276, .338. 
Florence, Mary (Kilby), 276. 
Florence, Thomas, 57, 93, 111, 230. 
Flynn, John. 140, 279. 
Fcillett. Abiah (llodge.s), 462. 
Follett, Jonathan, 462. 
Follett, Martha, 462. 
Folsom, Peter, 279. 
Fortune, A negro, 100, 280. 
Foster, Andrew, 280. 
Foster, Gideon, 69. 
F\mrth Company of Foot, 35. 
Fowle, Su.sanna, 273. 



[ vii ] 



Index 



Francis, Capl. lUKiir/cr. (!7, (>!), 10;?. 

Franklin, IJonjamin, 101. 

Franklin Stnvl, '-'7. 

Frasor, nri«;;.-(J«'n., 10'.'. 

l<'ri'c«l«>ni, Hn,i;antin(\ 1-!). 

l''r(«(>nian".s l"'arni. lOI'. 

Frciicli and Indian War, .'>. 

Fro.^li Marsl. l-an.«. SO. 

Frost, Sainncl, 'i'H. 

Fiilk-r. Anna, 'i'M). 

Fnllcr, Arcliralus. (i7. 

Fnll(<r, David, 'JSO. 

I''nll«>r, lOn.sio-n ,K)l\n, .">. 

Full.M-. Fnnico (Follor), ;57l.. 

Fuller, .lonallian, .-.H, '.'HO. 

Full(>r, .lo.s('|)li, 'Mi. 

Fnll(>r. IV>lrr, '^.'80. 

FnlK-r, roller, r>7, '280. 

Fuller, Sarah, .'57 !■. 

Gage, (Jen., I.'), IS, '.':5, K). I 'J, IS, 

47. 
(laiiuvs, Mrs. .Vuua, KJIJ. 
(iaieneia, ( apl. Daniel, .'51, 78. l.")0, 

'J81, :5;?(). 
(Jaleueia, Martlia Norton, .'81. 
(Jaleuci.'i. \V;irren A., 'J81. 
CJardner. Henjauiiu, (50. 
(iarduer. Dr. ".lunies, 274, .'58(i, |..'50. 
Garey, Hebeeca, .'57.'5. 
"General (iaies;' Hark, I'.'O. 
Gales, l\iajor-Gen. Iliiratio, 77, 07, 

I0'2. 1 0:5,' I '2 I., ISO. 
(Jerinjiiu. I -ord (ieorge, 0(5. 
(Jarrell, D.ivi.l, .Ir., 80. 
(iarrett. .lolin. 81. 
Gerumiue Fljils, '20(>. 
(Jerrish, Col. Jacob. 108. 
(terri.sli, Col. Samuel, 7:5, 74, l.')0. 
Gerry, Elbridgo, (5(5. 
(iloueesler, 78. 
Gl«)ver, Uriii;.-(;(>n. .lolm. 1.. 00. 

10(;. 107, 1 10. 1'27, l:5;5. l;50, ll.'2. 

1G7. 



(ioidilnvMilc. Uenjan.in. -'I'.', '28'2. 
(ioldtlnv:iit(>, Cliarily (.I'^dwards 

Crafls), '28v'. 
(roldlliwaile. Sar.di. :?70. 
Goltlllnvaite, Fbene/er. :570. 
(ioldlliwaile. Sarah (Newman). 1570. 
Goodale. Mary. 18.">. 
(Joodridp". .lane. :5|.(i. 
(Joodwin. Uebeeea. :5;5S. 
(ioold. Lieut. '281.. 
(Jordon. b'red(>riek .\.. 4'2(). 
(;o||. CulV (("a-S!ir), 14:5. '28:5. 
(loll. Lydia. 'I'i-.K 
C,o\i\d, laeul.. lo. '22 L. 
(iould. Thouiiis. 100. 
(iowing, Mrs. Delixeranee. '28."). 
(iowing, Daniel. '28:5. 

(Jowiug. F/.ekiel. .V2. 

(lowing, .lames. 4!). '284. 

(lowing, .lohn. '284. 

(lowing, .lo.seph. '21. :54. ISO, :5!). 28 l. 
40<). 

(lowing, Sanniel, '284. 

(lowing, Sarah (llawkes), '284. 

(I«)wiug. Thomas. '28|.. 

Grass I^ane. '27. 

Grave.seud. '2. 

Grave,s, Isaiah. .'5(5. 

Grnves, .lacob ('., 28,"). 

(rnives, Joseph. 100. 

Graves, Mrs. Sarah, '28.), 

(iraves, Samuel, ii. 

Gray, Alice, :574. 

Gray, Mary, '2.58. 

Gray. William. '2(iO. '274. 

(Irejilon. (\)l.. 1:5:5. IK). 

Green, Lieul.-('ol. ( hrislopher, 78. 

Green, Deacon l)ani«-l, 400. 

Green, James, '280. 

Green, M.'irlha, :57 1. 

(Ireeu Monnlains, 107. 

Greene, N.ithanael. 7'2, 7(i, 1 10. 

Green, llhoda. 400. 

Green, Susanna. 440. 



[ viii ] 



Indc: 



:x 



( irccM, \\ illi;iin. !■ KJ. 
Grooiiwood, (';i|)|. Miles, lOH. 
Gridloy, Col. Uidiiinl, 71, S."). 
Gridloy, Major Scarhorouijjh. 70, 

74. ' 
Grcss. Snsaiiiiali. H(>. 
Grovrr, Al)ii^ail, '1\ !•. 

IlacUciisack l{iv(«r, SS. 
Iladlcy, Al)i^ail, ',>H«;. 
I lad lev, Aiilhotiy, -.'S(i. 
lladlcy, MoMvs, "no. 
Iljidley, Tliomas, :5S, I-'?. IS. 

Hall, l)(M-cas, '>'S7, Ml."). 
Hall, K|)Iiraiiii. '.'87. Mi.V 
Hall, .laiiu's, 100, 'JS7. 
Hall, Jolm. XV, 101. '.'87. 
IFall, Lieut., 'J'il. 
Hall, Mary (Hrowii), ^287, K).'). 
Hall, Rcl)efea, 18!). 
Hall, Tliomas, SO, .57, ll^>, '287. 
Haflowoll, Charyly (MansHold), 
Halhnvell, Kdwanl. '288. 
Hallowell, Klizahetli, 101. 
Hallowell, Henry. .Si, 70. 80, 
8(1. 88, 100. io(!, I8;{, '288. 

SM), :?(;!). 

Hallowell, .lolin. I H. 
Hallowell. Meliilahle (Hreed), 

'288. 
Hallowell, Saimiel. 80. I 10, '288, 
Hallowell, 'riieo|»liiliis. ;{|, 7.5, 
Hampshire ( "oimly, !)l . 
H:iiieo('k. .ioliM. ()(). 
Harl<>m llei,olils. 8(). 
Harlow, ,)oii;illiaii, 81 . 
Harrington, .Vhigail (Dwnsler), 
Harrington, Ann.i, :{(!7. 
Harrington, ( jilcl). Ml. 
H.arringlon, .loii.itli.in, ;{()8. 
Harris, I'eter, !):{, I K!, '2!);5. 
Hart, Aaron, '207. 
Hart, Abagail, 4;5'2. 





li; 




II: 




II; 


7:5, 


Hi 




Hi 




H: 




H: 




Hi 




Hi 




Hi 




Hi 




Hi 


'27(i, 


Hi 




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Hi 




Hi 




Hi 




Hi 




Hi 




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Hi 




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'288. 


Hi 




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81. 


Hi 


;{:{8. 


Hi 




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18!), 


Hi 




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'201. 


Hi 


!29'2. 


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:{(;8. 


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Hi 



irl. .\nnii. :5 M). 
iirl. Deltoridi, '2(;(i. 

Mhene/.er, 100. 1 Hi. ','!):!. '.'!).>. 
iiri. I"/Uniee, !• tS. 
iirt, Kuniee (Hurrill), .'UO. 118. 
iirt, Isiiiic. .5, '2!);{. 
art, .liicol), too, lis, '2!).5. 
art, Joliii, '2!).5, '2!)(>. '2!)7. 
art, Joiiiitliiin, i:{'2. 
iirt, .lose|)li. -2!), '2!)(;, :\U). IIH. 
art's Lane. '2!). 
iirt. Lydiii (Curtis), '20.5. 
irt. ^irs. Mary, .S8S. 
iirl, Meliitid)le (Endicott), '207. 
iul. Mercy (Hawkes), l.S'2. 

Moses, 'J!t7. 
iirt, l*li(i'l)e (Ivory), '2!)(;. 
iirt, Ruth, '2.5.5. 
iirt, Samuel, '2!)(i. 
iirt, Sariih. S.IS. 
irt, 'Piihithii (Collins), '207. 
iirt, Zeruhhiibel, 4'2, IS, '2!)7. 
iirwood Street, '27. 
iiveii, Klias, 18. 

iiwkes. .Vdiiin, xx, '2!)8, '2!)!), SOO. 
iiwkes, Alehony, '200. 
iwkes. Llhridge (ierry, i;W. 
iiwkes, Hlkiuiiih, '20!),';K)'2. 
iiwkes, Luniee, '200, SOt), 1S8. 
awkes, Eunice (NewhiiU). SO'2. 
awke.s, (ieorge, SOO. 
iiwkes, Iliiniiiih. '25)8. :$0'2. 
iiwkes, lliinnah (Priest), '2!)8. 
iiwkes, lliildah (Brown), ;?00, S0(>. 
iiwke.s, John, xx, '208. .'$00. 
liiwkes. Lydia. :50(!. 
liiwkes, >iiiry H., SOO. 
iiwkes, Mercy, 10.5, l;{'2. 
lawkes, Mo.ses, SOO. 
iiwke.s, Nathiin, 1 1.'{, -210, SOO, SOI, 
SO'2. 

iiwkes. Nil! ha n Mori imer. .SOI , ISO. 
lawkes, Rachel. .SOO. 
awkes, Sam h, '200, '281. S'2 L 1.50. 



[ix] 



Ind 



ex 



Ilawkes, Susannali (Ilitfhiiigs), 300. 

Hawkes, Thomas, 30'i. 

" Hazard," Brig, 1^29. 

Ilazeltiiie, or Hazleton, Rebecca, 414. 

Heard, Amos, 11(>. 

Heard, Mary, 311. 

Heath, Gen.^ William, 08, 70, UO, 

124. 
Henchman, Rev.Natlianiel, 189, '•>44. 
Herkimer County, New York, '■20(). 
llerrick, lienjamin, S(H. 
Herrick, Henry, 07. 
Herrick, Joseph, 09. 
Herrick. Dr. INIartin, 129, 298, 302. 
llerrick, Sarali (Potter), 302. 
Hicks, Lydia, 193. 
Hicks, William. 303. 
Higginson, Francis, xviii, xix, xx. 
High Rock, 1. 
Hill, Hannah (Been.s), 303, 304, 

30.5. 
Hill, John. 303, 304, .30.5. 
Hills. Mary, 230. 
Hill. Uichard, 58, 100, 143, 303. 
Hill, Hohert, 304. 
Hill, William, .57, 305. 
Hiller, Ca])t. Joseph, 11.5. 
Hingham, xv. 

Hinisson. Elizabeth (Jeffords), 280. 
Hinkson. Peter, 280. 
Hinkson. lichecca, 280. 
Hilchings, Abijah, 30.5. 
Hitchings, Daniel, 240, 300, 30.5, 

300, .307. 
Hitchings, Elkanah, 309. 
Hitchings, Eunice (Newhall), 309. 
Hitchings, Ezra, 301, 308. 
Hitc-hings, Hannah, 300. 
Hilchings. Hannah (Ingalls), 30,5, 

30(;. 307. 
Hitchings, John, .300. 
Hitchings, Keturah (Newhall), 308. 

307. " 
Hitchings, Nathan, 143, 300. 



Hitchings, Nathaniel, 100, 307. 
Hitchings, Sarah, 300. 
Hitchings, Susannah, 300. 
Hitchings, 'i'homas, 140, 308. 
Hitchings, William, 309. 
Hitchins, Daniel, .5. 
Hodgkins, Elizabeth. 380. 
Holloway, Joseph, 288, 292. 
Holmes, George, 309. 
Holt, Mary, 329. 
Holton, Ruth, 324. 
Holton, Dr. Samuel, 07. 
Holyoke, Edward, 201, 450. 
Ilolyoke, Mary, 449. 
Hood. Moses.llO. 
Hooper, Rebecca, 324. 
Hopkins, Charles, 143, 309. 
Houghton, Cyrus W., 220. 
Howard, Mrs. Eunice, 400. 
Howard, Ezekiel, 93, 309, 310. 
Howard, Joshua, 110, 111, 141, 310. 
Howard, Lois. 392. 
Howard, Margaret (Newman), 309, 

310. 
Howard, Pha>be, 453. 
Howe, Daniel, 4. 
Howe, Gen., 23, 83, 86, 96, 97, 103, 

104, 105, 117, 136. 
Howe, Lord, 121, 122. 
Howland's Ferry, 119. 
Hubbard ton, 103. 
Hudson, Anna, 255. 
Hudson, IJenjamin, 29, 111, 116, 

310, 394. 
Hudson, Catherine, 356. 
Hudson, Catherine (Kilby), 277, 311. 
Hudson, P^Iizabeth (Moulton), 394. 
Hudson, Jonathan, 310. 
Hudson, Mary, 277, 310, 
Hudson, Moses, 277, 311. 
Hudson River, 86, 96. 
Hudson, Sally, 394. 
Hudson Square, 29, 30. 
Hudson, Thomas, xx. 111, 110. 



i 



[x] 



Ind 



ex 



lliulstm. ThoiiKis Ki|l)\. :U1. 
Hudson, Willi;mi. K). -JSl, :U\). lOl. 

Hudson. William Iv. SI I . 

Hull. XV. 

Huiuiowoll. Marv. Ktk 
llunnewoll. Uichanl. lOl. 
Hunt, John. SO, 100. !.'>!). lUl. 
lluntino". Itutli. ;U4. 
Hunting, Sarah IV. '2:?7. 
Huntington, (ien. -Irdcdiah, !)!>. 
Hus.sey, Salvonas, 11. 
Hutchinson, Catherine (IJrvanI), SI 1. 
Hutchin.son, lOuniee. 4'-2l. 
Hutchinson, (iov., 8. 
Hutchinson, Col. Israel, 09, 76. 88. 
Hutchinson, Nathaniel. ;?11, iU^i. 
Hutchinson, Sarah, 4.'»(i. 
Hutchin.son, 'riniothy. 10!), .SI ^2. 
Hutchinson, Thomas, .>8, Shi. 

Increase Newhall ravern, S.5. 

In(h>|)cndcncc, Fo'-t, <S(i. 

Ingalls. Al)igail (Stockcr), Sb2. .S.58. 

Ingalis, Aiuie. SU. 'Vi.'). 

Ingalls, Benjamin, Sl'-i. 

Ingall.s, Daniel, .S0^>. SIS. 

Ingalls, Deborah, SS4. 

Ingalls, Edmund, wiii, \xi. SI t, .SI,), 

S.38. 
Ingalls, Elea/cr Collins, SI, SIS. 
Ingalls. Elizabeth, 40(). l.JH, 4()0. 
Ingalls, Francis, xviii. xxi. 
Ingalls. Ilaimah, ,S().>, SO(i, S()7, .S(i0. 
Ingalls, Jacob, SI, ^^,>7, .SOI, 314, S15, 

^"25, 334. 
Ingalls, Jacob, Jr., 31.5. 
Ingalls, John, 3h2, 3.58, 360. 
Ingalls, Jo-seph, 313, 31.5. 
Ingalls, Lydia, .S.58. 
Ingalls. Lvdia, (Lewis), 406. 
Ingalls, iSiary (Lane), 31.5. 
Ingalls, Mary (Tucker), 314, 334. 
Ingalls, Nathaniel, 314, 31.5, 407. 



Ingalls. Rebecca, 3^2.5, 407. 

Ingalls, Uebeeca (Collins), 313. 

Ingalls, Samuel, 316, 406. 

Ingalls, Sarah, 316. 

Ingalls, Sarah (Fletcher), 313. 

Ingalls, Sarah (Ingalls), 316. 

Ingalls, Tabitha (Lewis), S1.5, 407. 

Ingalls. WiUiam, 31.5. 

Inguls, Sally, '■2'27. 

Ipswich, 10, 78. 

Ireson, Anna, 4'-2(). 

Ireson Avenue, 31. 

Ireson, Azuba, 4'-20. 

Ireson, Edward, 31, 301, 317. 406. 

Ireson, Eliza. '■2'27, SKi. 

Ireson, Ilepzibah (Ingalls), 316, 317, 

406. 
Ireson, John, 31, 101). 110, 111, 116, 

141, 30^2, 317, m). 
Ireson, Samuel, 36. 
Ireson, Samuel S., 317, 460. 
Ivory, Plu)td)e, !2J)6. 
Ivory, Elizabeth, 40^2. 

Jac-obs, Benjamin, 140, 318. 

Jacobs, John. 100. 143, 310. 

James, Benjamin, ;>1!). 

James, Sagamore, xix. 

Jameson, Lieut. -Col., 138. 

Jarvis, Enoch, 'Vii). 

JeftVev, Jo.seph, Jr., 3^20. 

Jcnlvs". Abigail (Wait). 

Jenks, iMary, '2\^>. 

Jenks, Sarah, 318. 

Jenne-sey, Catherine, 18.5. 

Jersey Prison Sliip, 131. 

Johnson, Benjamin, 31, 143, "270, 

3^20, 4^22. 
Johnson, Benjamin B., "29. 
Johnson. Betliia (Newhall), 3^23, 3^25, 

140. 
Johnson, Deborah, .S.57. 
Johnson, Edw^ard, .SO, 78, 80, 3^J^2, 

3^23, 3^2i5, 440, 44^2. 



[xi] 



Ind 



ex 



Johnson, Edwai'd, Jr., S'iS. 
Johnson, Elizabeth, 440. 
Johnson, George, 3'-24. 
Johnson, Hoi ton, 113, l->3, 324. 
Johnson, Isaac, xviii, xix. 
Johnson, James, 3"24. 
Johnson, John, 3'-24. 
Johnson, Jonathan, 3'-2'2. 
Johnson, Joseph, 3'-24. 
Johnson, Lydia (Newhall), 32.5. 
Johnson, Nehemiah, 325. 
Johnson, Pharaoh, 325. 
Johnson, Rebecca (Dennis), 324. 
Johnson, Richard, xxi. 
Johnson, Rufus, 141. 
Johnson, Ruth (Ilolton), 324. 
Johnson, Samuel, 04, 111, 112, 324. 
Johnson, Sarah (Mansfield), 322. 
Johnson, Timothy, 57, 325. 
Johnson, WilUam", 80, 117, 325. 
"Junius Brutus," Ship, 129. 

Keff, Probably Keefe, Michael, 326. 

Kellse, Rebecca, 197. 

Kertland, Philip, 28. 

Kilby, Mary, 276. 

Kimball, Capt. Benjamin, 69, 72. 

King, Abigail, 258. 

King's Beach, 3. 

King, Daniel, 4. 

King's Ferry, 137. 

King, Joseph, 116. 

King PhiHp's War, 5. 

King, Capt. Samuel, 76, 78, 80. 

Kirtland Street, 29. 

Knight, Hannah, 273. 

Knight, Nathaniel, 80. 

Knowlton, Bethia, 280. 

Knox, Gen. Henry, 76, 82, 99. 

Lacey, Samuel, 326. 
Lafayette, 101, 119, 120, 122. 
Laighton Street, 27. 



Laith, or Lathe, Ebenezer, 116, 326. 

Lamb, Col., 139. 

Lampress, Nicholas, 80. 

Lankaster, Henry, 80. 

Lane, Capt. John, 64. 

Lane, Mary, 315. 

Larrabee, Abigail, 306. 

Larrabee, Benjamin, 80, 327. 

Larrabee, David, 327. 

Larrabee, Elizabeth, 326. 

Larrabee, Elizabeth (Trask), 327. 

Larrabee, Ephraim, 186. 

Larrabee, Hannah, 373. 

Larrabee, Isaac, 328. 

Larrabee, James. 99, 329. 

Larrabee, John, 329. 

Larrabee, Joseph, 327, 330. 

Larrabee, Martha (Towne), 328. 

Larrabee, Mehi table, 185. 

Larrabee, Sarah, 276. 

Larrabee, Stephen, 330. 

Laskey, William, 330. 

Lawrence, Dolly, 389. 

Learned, Ebenezer, 66. 

Lee, Arthur, 23. 

Lee, Gen. Charles, 77, 94, 118. 

Lee, Edward, 109. 

Lee, Fort, 88. 

Lee, Rev. Jesse, 321. 

Lee, John Charles, 331. 

Leeds, Amos, 331. 

Lelax, James, 331. 

Leslie, Col. 21. 

Lewis, Abigail, 394. 

Lewis, Mrs. Abigail (Brooks), 333. 

Lewis, Alonzo, xviii, 3, 43, 79. 

Lewis, Benjamin, 331. 

Lewis, Caleb, 141, 332. 

Lewis, David. 57. 93, 117, 301, 331. 

Lewis, Edmund, 313, 316, 386. 

Lewis, Edmund, Jr., 332. 

Lewis, Elizabeth. 313. 

Lewis, Elizabeth (Newhall), 313, 315. 

Lewis, Hannah (Fuller), 332. 



[ -^ii ] 



Ind 



ex 



Le\Ws, Ilepzibah (Breed), 189, 313, 

316, 386. 
Lewis, Isaac, 141, 33'-2. 
Lewis, John, 301, 313, 315, 333, 394. 
Lewis, John, Jr., 333. 
Lewis, Joseph, 140, 
Lewis, Lydia, 316, 400. 
Lewis, Martha, 31 j. 
Lewis, Mary, ^211, -244. 
Lewis, Mary (Burrill), ^44. 
Lewis, Mary (Xew hall), 331, 333. 
Lewis, Nathan, 331, 333. 
Lewis, Sally, 394. 
Lewis, Samuel, 333. 
Lewis, Sarah, 380. 
' Lewis Street, 27. 
Lewis, Tabitha, 31.5, 407. 
Lincoln, Gen. Benjamin, 66, 103. 
Lindsey, Abigail (Blaney), 337. 
Lindsey, Anna (Breed), 337, 338. 
Lind.sey, Benjamin, 333. 
Lindsey, Blaney, 109, 333. 
Lindsey, Christopher, xx, 334. 
Lindsey, Daniel, 31, 57, 93, 334, 44^2. 
Lindsey, Capt. Eleazer, 150, ^81, 

343, 335. 
Lindsey, Ehzabeth, 281. 
Lindsey, Hannah, 281. 
Lindsey, John, 5, 334. 
Lindsey, John D., 399. 
Lindsey, Joseph, 109, 112, 140, 336. 
Lindsey, Joseph, Jr., 92, 337. 
Lindsey, Lydia (Farington), 334. 
Lindsey, Mary (Breed), 335. 
Lindsey, Martha, 337, 338. 
Lindsey, Phfi.'be, 386. 
Lindsey, Ralph, 31, 80, 93, 157, 335, 

337,' 396, 453. 
Lindsey, Ralph, Jr., 338. 
Lindsey, Ruth, 324. 
Lish, George, 339. 
Li\ing.stone, Zebiah, 215. 
^'Lively," Frigate, 44. 
Lock, Rebecca, 205. 



Locke, Jonathan, 5. 
Locke, Persis, 463. 
Long Island, 86. 
Longfellow, Anne, 187. 
Loring, John Lewis, 195. 
Lovell, Gen. Solomon, 128. 
Lothrop, Eaton W., 427. 
Low, Ca[)t. John, 69. 
Lucomb, Alexander, 339. 
Lucy Xewhairs Lane, 27, 30. 
Lufkin, Moses, 116. 
Luramus, Dr. John, 192. 
Luscomb, William, 116. 
Luzgridge, William, 339. 
Lye, Elizabeth, 340. 
Lye, Joseph, 92, 301, 339, 340. 
Lye, Joseph, Jr., 340. 
Lynde, Lydia, 411. 
Lynnfield, 1, 22, 25, 26, 28, 36. 
Lynn, Regis, 1. 

Mackintire, Joseph, 80. 

Maclean, Col., 128. 

Maiden, John, 341. 

Makepeace, Jonathan, 240. 

Malacky, Hugh, 116. 

Maiden, 35, 40. 

Mall Street, 27, 30. 

Manchester, 78. 

Mann, Col., 68. 

Mansfield, Andrew, xxi, 37, 39, 140, 

269, 341, 343, 458. 
Mansfield, Anna, 418. 
Mansfield, Benjamin, 343. 
Mansfield, Charles D., 248. 
Mansfield, Daniel, 344. 
Mansfield, Deacon Daniel, 7, 18, 21, 

26, 52, 113, 269, 341, 343, 344, 

350, 374. 
Mansfield, Ebenezer, 42, 57, 344, 348. 
Mansfield, Elizabeth, 399, 448. 
Mansfield, Mrs. Elizabeth, 346. 
Mansfield, Elizabeth (Benjamin), 

348. 



[ xiii ] 



Index 



Mansfield, Elizabeth (Wbitteniore), 
448. 

Mansfield's End, 'i. 

Mansfield, Epes, 101), 110, 344. 

Mansfield's Hill, 2. 

^lansfield, Joanna, 4'2, 193. 

:\ransfield, John, ^2G0, 345, 353. 

Mansfield, Col. John, 11, 19, 21, 
30, 39, 40, 41, 48, 50, 52, 53, 5G, 
61, 62, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 
81, 82, 113, 143, 150, 233, 271, 
371, 385. 

Mansfield, Jonathan, 344. 

Mansfield, Joseph, 345, 346. 

Mansfield, Love, 374. 

Mansfield, Lucv, 385. 

Mansfield, Lydia (Newhall), 341, 

344, 350, 374. 
Mansfield, Martha, 292. 
Mansfield, Martha (Stocker), 344. 
Mansfield, Mary, 227, 239, 383. 
Mansfield, Mary (Hart), 237. 
Mansfield, Mary (Hawkes), 343, 349. 
Mansfield, Mary (Newhall), 344, 

345. 
Mansfield, Mary (Rann), 345, 418. 
Mansfield, Nathaniel, 116. 
Mansfield, Richard, 240, 345, 448. 
Mansfield, Robert, 30, 220, 342, 344, 

345, 397, 418. 

Mansfield, Rufus, 29, 33, 38, 46, 49, 

52, 53, 301, 346. 
Mansfield, Samuel, 80, 183, 397. 
Mansfield, Sarah, 221, 322, 371. 
Mansfield, Sarah (Breed), 343. 
Mansfield, Sarah (Stocker), 345, 346. 
Mansfield, Susanna, 220. 
Mansfield, Thomas, 111, 343, 349. 
Mansfield, William, 80, 141, 342, 

350, 401. 
Marble, Abigail (Hart), 378. 
Marble, Ede, 378. 
Marble, James, 111, 351. 
Marble, Samuel, 378. 



Marblehead, 3, 22, 78, 123, 127, 129. 

Marblehead Lane, 27, 46. 

Marden, John, 143. 

Marion Street, 30. 

Market Street, 27, 31. 

Marsh, Lieut.-CoL, 72. 

Marshall, Benjamin, 352. 

Marshall, Capt. Thomas, 4. 

Marston, Mrs. Elizabeth, 431. 

Marston, Capt. Manassah, 429. 

Marston, Mrs. Zerviah, 429. 

Martin, Domingo, 352. 

Martin, Jesse, 352. 

Martin, Josiah, 11, 140, 352, 379. 

Marvel, James, 58. 

Mason, Col. David, 22. 

Massey, Benjamin, 110, 140, 353, 

448." 
Massey, Jane, 448. 
Massey, Sarah (Hart), 353, 448. 
Mather's Magnalia, xvii. 
Matthews, James, 69. 
McDonald, Donald, 354. 
McNuft", Mary, 432. 
McRea, Jennie, 106, 160. 
Meacham, Isaac, 39, 110, 111, 333,^ 

354. 
Meacham, Ruth (Dunnell), 333. 
Meacham, Susannah, 333. 
Meachem, Lydia (Layton), 354. 
Mead, Benjamin, 108," 259, 355. 
Mead, John, 140, 143, 355. 
Mead, Susannah (Thompson), 355. 
Meeds j Benjamin, 57. 
IVIedford, 35, 40, 48. 
Meek, John, 80. 
Meigs, Major Jonathan, 78. 
Melzard, Capt. John, 356. 
Menotomy, 40, 41, 42, 48. 
Mercer, Fort, 117. 
Merriam, Esther, 287. 
Merritt, Lydia, 346. 
Merry House, 209. 
Middlesex Countv, 5, 91. 



[xiv] 



Ind 



ex 



Middleton, Douglass, IGi). 

Mifflin, Fort, 117. 

Miller, Lieiit.-("ol., 7^2. 

Millet, Joseph, 116. 

Mills, Amos, 48. 

Mill Street, 27. 

" Minit Company," 34. 

Mohawk, 96, 106. 

Monmouth. 111). 

Montgomery, 77, 8.5. 

Moore, FrancLs, 1.5. 

Morgan, Daniel, 77, 78. 

Morris, Robert, 04. 

Morristown, 89, 97, 117. 

Mottey, Rev. Joseph, 187. 

Moulton, Ezekiel, 31, '•286, 356. 

Moulton, Ezra, 140, 182, 286, 3.56. 

^loulton, John T., 24.5. 

Moulton, Joseph, 3.56. 

Moulton, Robert. 3.56. 

Moulton, Sarah, 286, 35(5. 

Mount Wachusett, xv. 

Mudge, Enoch, 313, 357. 

Mudge, Ezra, 360, 369. 

Mudge, James, 358. 

Mudge, John, 342, 357, 359, 360. 

Muilge. Mrs. Mary, 342. 

Mudge, Mary (Wi'iite), 342, 357, 359, 

360. 
Mudge, Nathan, 109, 110, 227. 359. 
Mudge, Parker, 227. 
Mudge, Samuel, 116, 360. 
kludge, Thomas, 357. 
Mullen, James, 360. 
Mulliken, Lydia, 241. 
MuUiken, Susannah, 241. 
Munroe, (xeorge, Jr., 361. 
Munroe, Timothy. 43, 44, 361. 
Munroe, Timothy, Jr., 362. 
Mystic River, 107. 

Xahant, xv, xix. 25, 26, 28. 
Xahum-Keike, xvii. wiii. 
Nanapashemet, 1. 



Xantasket Roads, 83, 85. 
X^irragan.setts, 5. 
X'arremore, Sarah, 224. 
X'aurakeag, xvii. 
X'eedham, 48. 
X^eedham, Daniel, 362. 
Xeedham, Elizabeth, 63. 
Needham, Elizabeth (Moulton), 362. 
X^eedham, Mary, 453. 
Needham, X^athaniel, 175. 
X'eedham, Stephen, 362. 
Xew Bedford, 123. 
X^ewbury, 78. 
Newburyport, 2, 78. 
Xewhalf, Aaron, 301, 363. 
Xewhall, Abigail, 434. 
Xewhall, Abigail (Hansin), 373. 
Xewhall, Abigail (Locker), 388. 
Xewhall, Abigail (X'orwood), 377, 

381. 
Xewhall, Allen, 29, 39, 140, 248, 363, 

371, 418. 
X^ewhall, Amos, 116, 364, 395. 
Xewhall, Andrew, 109, 112, 116, 140, 

206, 365. 
Xewhall, Andrew, Jr., 366. 
Xewhall, Asa, 366. 
Xewhall, Asa Tarbell, 367. 
Xewhall, Dr. Asa T., 424. 
Xewhall, Benjamin, 21, 52, 140, 200, 

363, 367, 382. 
Xewhall, Benjamin, P., 278, 318, 

379, 419, 434. 
Xewhall, Bethia, 206, 322, 323, 440. 
Xewhall, Blaney, 140. 
Xewhall, Bridget, 292. 
Xewhall, Callev, 29, 183, 367. 
Xewhall, Calvin, 99, 143, 370. 
X^ewhall, Mrs. Catherine. 426. 
Xewhall, Charles, 29, 248, 364. 371, 

418, 442. 
X'ewhall, Charles Henry, 27. 
Xewhall, Daniel, 363. 
Xewhall, Daniel, Jr., 372. 



[ XV ] 



Index 



Newhall, Daniel Allen Breed, ^29, 64, 
. 80, ^248, 371, 418, 442. 
Newhall, Da^dd, 141. 
Newhall, Ebenezer, 251, 299, 301, 

373, 390. 
Newhall, Elisha, 112, 116, 343, 373. 
Newhall, Elizabeth, 188, 233, 395. 
Newhall, Elizabeth (Bancroft), 366. 
Newhall, Elizabeth (Breed), 251. 
Newhall, Elizabeth (Fowle), 363, 382. 
Newhall Elizabeth (Hodgman), 384, 

387, 394, 395. 
Newhall, Elizabeth (Johnson), 386. 
Newhall, Elizabeth (Pecks), 392. 
Newhall, EKzabeth (Potter), 322, 

365. 
Newhall, Ephraim, 5. 
Newhall, Esther, 302, 461. 
Newhall, Eunice, 299, 302. 
Newhall, Ezekiel, 374. 
Newhall, Ezra, 100, 109, 375, 392. 
Newhall, Col. Ezra, 30, 33, 38, 39, 

40, 41, 49, 50, 52, 56, 57, 68, 69, 

70, 76, 82, 83, 84, 88, 89, 92, 93, 

94, 105, 106, 126, 143, 171, 173, 

374. 
Newhall, Fales, 382. 
Newhall, Fales Henry, 382. 
Newhall, Hannah, 298, 383, 385, 

395, 462. 
Newhall, Hannah (Newhall), 372, 

379, 388, 395. 
Newhall, Hanson, 364. 
Newhall, Huldah, 220. 
Newhall, Increase, 31, 33, 57, 79, 

269, 367, 376, 383, 394. 
Newhall, Isaac, 372, 385. 
Newhall, Jabez, 377, 387. 
Newhall, Jacob, 33, 52, 116, 143, 

370, 378, 379, 380, 381, 389. 
Newhall, James (Squire Jim), 29, 

111, 113, 140, 183, 371, 382, 427. 
Newhall, Dr. Jim, 371. 
Newhall, James, 383. 



Newhall, Judge James R., 3,- 79, 413. 
Newhall, Jane (Breed), 343. 
Newhall, Jedediah, 29, 197, 231, 366. 

384. 
Newhall, Jeremiah, 374, 462. 
Newhall, Joel, 30, 63, 385. 
Newhall, John, 376, 386, 388. 
Newhall, Jonathan, 57, 110, 112, 116, 

377, 381, 386. 
Newhall, Jonathan, Jr., 386. 
Newhall, Joseph, 23, 109, 110, 322, 

343, 363, 366, 372, 384, 387, 394, 

395. 
Newhall, Joseph, Jr., 387. 
Newhall, Josiah, 372, 379, 383, 385, 

388, 395, 462. 
Newhall, Katherine (Stone), 392. 
Newhall, Locker, 370, 379. 
Newhall, Lois (Burrill), 371. 
Newhall, Lois (Howard), 386. 
Newhall, Love, 248, 418. 
Newhall, Love (Breed), 371. 
Newhall, Lucretia, 289. 
Newhall, Lydia, 272, 325, 343, 427. 
Newhall, Lydia (Scarlet), 376, 386. 
Newhall, Martha, 220, 289, 374. 
Newhall, Margaret (South wick), 364, 

394. 
Newhall, Mary, 200, 222, 248, 344, 

402, 411. 
Newhall, Mary (Breed), 363. 
Newhall, Mary (Johnson), 375. 
Newhall, Mary (Wright), 373, 389. 
Newhall, Matthew, 373, 389. 
Newhall, Mary (Newhall-Cheev^er), 

390. 
Newhall, Mercy, 252. 
Newhall, Micajah, 31, 110, 116, 141, 

230, 388. 
Newhall, Moses, 298, 302, 437. 
Newhall, Nathan, 388, 389, 442. 
Newhall, Nathaniel, 80, 389. 
Newhall, Nehemiah, 116, 367, 389. 
Newhall, Noah, 140, 389. 



[ xvi ] 



Ind 



ex 



Newliall, Oiicsinius, .58, 11(5, 1','8, 

390. 
Newliall, Uufus, 30. 
Newhall, Ruth, 198, 218, 343. 
Newhall, Mrs. Ruth (Bancroft), 343. 
Newhall, Samuel, 374, 392. 
Newhall, Sarah, 372, 417, 4()2. 
Newhall, Sarah (Bates), 374, 4()2. 
Newhall, Sarah (Lewis), 388. 
Newhall, Sarah (Sargent), 374. 
Newhall, Solomon, 80, 141, 37.;, 386, 

392. 
Newhall, Susanna, 219, 223, 200, 

207, 437, 462. 
Newhall, Su.sannah (Brown), 268, 

366. 
Newhall, Susannah (Bowden), 298, 

302, 437. 
Newhall, Susannah (Souden), 367, 

376, 383, 394. 
Newhall, Tabitha (Brown), 367, 389. 
Newhall, Thomas, xx, 46, 311, 363, 

366, 381, 394. 
Newhall, Timothy, 109, 129. 183, 

392, 412, 421. 
Newhall, William, .39, 112, 116. 220. 
Newhall, William R.. D.D., 381. 
Newhall, William Jr., 116, 394, 39.5. 
New Jersey, 89, 103. 
Newman, David, 93, 1.57, 332, 338, 

396, 4.50. 
Newman, Elizabeth, 396, 4.50. 
Newman, John. 396. 
Newman, Hannah, 332. 
Newman, Margaret, 309, 310. 
Newman, Sarah, 39(). 
Newman, Thomas, 109, 141, 396. 
Newman, William, 397. 
New Plymouth, x\'ii. 
New York. 86, 88, 93. 
Nichols, Elisha. 100^ 397. 
Nichols, Hannah, 4.54. 
Nichols, James, 109. 
Nichols, Lydia, 229. 



Nichols, Capt. Noah, 99. 

Nichols, Rebecca, 187. 

Nichols, Thomas, 116. 

Nixon, Col. John, 68, 10.5, 161, 181. 

North Bend Street, 30. 

North Bridge, Salem, 22. 

North Castle, 94, 1.38. 

North Federal Street, 29. 

Norwich, 86. 

Norwood, Abigail, 387. 

Norwood, David, 297. 

Norwood, Mary, 197, 344. 

Norwood, Melii table, 437. 

Norwood, Sarah, 332. 

Norwood, Thomas, Jr., 397, 398. 

Norwood, William, 398. 

Norwood, Zaccheus, 3.52, 379. 

Nourse, Aaron, 99, 143, 162, 398. 

Nourse, Elizabeth, 346. 

Nourse, George, 387. 

Nourse, Hannah, 387. 

Nourse, James, 99, 183, 346, 398, 

399. 
Nourse, Mitchell, 109. 
Nourse, Sylvester H., 399. 
Nurse, Rebecca, 399. 
Nutting. Ebenezer, 117. 
Nye, Joseph, 2.58. 

Old South Meeting-House, 13, 84. 

Old Tunnel Meeting-House, 28. 

OHver, Henry, 219. 

Organ, Isaac, 140, 183, 206, 401. 

Orne, Lois, 187. 

Orne, Samuel, 44.5. 

Osgood, John, 81. 

Oswego, 96. 

Pappoon, Elizabeth, 402. 

Pappoon, Richard, 31, 80, 109, 140, 

402. 
Parker, Capt. David, 20, 32, 35, 36, 

38. 40. 41, 48, 49, .53, 403. 
Parker, John H., 31.5. 



[ xvii ] 



Ind 



ex 



Parker, Jonathan, 48. 

Parker, Capt. Moses, 04. 

Parker, Noah, 14.'}, 404. 

Parker, Sir Peter, 114. 

Park Street, ^27. 

Parrott, Benjamin, 301, 400. 

Parrott, Daniel, 140, 406. 

Parrott, James, 'i'il. 

Parrott, John, 407. 

Parrott, Marstin, 80, 400, 407. 

Parrott, Sally, 401. 

Parsons, Ebenezer, 140, ^201, !203, 

294, 40.J. 
Parsons, Mrs. Mary A., ^Ol. 
Parsons, Rev. Obadiah, 193, 248. 
Parsons, Sarah, 199. 
Patch, Isaac, 109. 
Patch, Joseph, 110. 
Patterson, Col., 72. 
Paul, William, 100, 143, 408. 
Pay.son, Rev. Phillijjs, 240. 
Peabody, Brinsley, Jr., 92. 
Peabody, Hannah, 380. 
Peabody, Ruth (Storer), 386. 
Peabody, Stephen, 386. 
Pecks, Ehzabeth, 375, 392. 
Peck, Hannah, 417. 
Pearce, Rebecca, 441. 
Pedrick, Susanna, 461, 462. 
Peekskill, 98, 10.5, 106. 
Pelsue, John, 408. 
Pelsue, WilHam, 408. 
Penny, William H., 227. 
Pequots, 4. 
Percy, Earl, 40, 87. 
Perkins, Elizabeth, 195. 
Perkins, John, 21, 406, 408. 
Perkins, Mary, 432. 
Perkins, Mrs." Mary, 363. 
Perkins, Sarah, 408. 
Perkins, William, 408. 
Person, Abrain, 110. 
Perry, John, 409. 
Perry, Sarah (Price), 409. 



Perry, Thaddeus, 409. 

Petticoat Lane, 27. 

Philadelphia, 90, 102. 

Phillips, Charles, 5. 

Philhps, Lydia, 320, 422. 

Phillips, Mary, 248. 

Phillips, Major-Gen., 102. 

Philhps. Rebecca, 218. 

Phipps. Sarah, 361. 

Pickering. Col. Timothy, 68, 76. 

Pickman, Col. Benjamin, 203 

Pigott, Major-Gen., 118. 

Pierce, Benjamin, 48. 

Pierce, John, 69. 

Pierce, Joshua, 80. 

Pitcairn, Major, 41. 

" Pilgrim," Ship, 129. 

Pitman, Joshua, 116. 

Pitt, William, 10. 

Pittsfield, 47. 

Plains of Abraham, 5. 

Pitcher, Moll, 191. 

Plymouth, xvii, xix, 123. 

Pollard, Capt , 94. 

Pollard, Abner, 116. 

Pomeroy, Seth, 60. 

Pool, Capt. John, 20, 93, 409. 

Poole, Elizabeth, 410. 

Poole, John, xxi, 409. 

Poole, Timothy, 410. 

Pope, Ebenezer, 109. 

Pope, Phoebe, 185. 

Porter, Amos, 410. 

Porter, Bill, 09. 

Porter, Ebenezer, 58, 410. 

Porter, H. E. V., 200. 

Portsmouth, 2. 

Potter, Anna, 233. 

Potter, Benjamin, 411. 

Potter, Benjamin Burrill, 411. 

Potter, Burrill, 109, 110, 110. 

Potter, Ehzabeth, 305. 

Potter, Eunice, 374. 

Potter, Hannah (Brown), 411. 



[ xviii ] 



Ind 



ex 



Potter, Mary, 434. 

Potter, Robert, xx. 

Potter, Sarah, 30-2. 

Powder Mill, 8->. 

Pratt, Amos, 411. 

Pratt, David, 31G. 

Pratt, Lydia (Lynde), 411. 

Pratt, INlercy, 310. 

Pratt, Mercy (Upliaiii), 31(5. 

Pratt, Micajah C, 2-27. 

Pratt, Richard, 3-25, 364. 

Pratt, Thomas, 411. 

Pratt, William Pell, 58. 

Prescott, Col. James, 68. 

Preseott, Col. William, 66, 68, 70. 

Price, Sarah, 40!). 

Prince, Capt. x\sa, 69. 

Prince Street, Boston, 15. 

Princeton, 89. 

Pritchard, Thomas, 133. 

Proctor, Annis, 41-2. 

Proctor, Klizabeth (Ricker), 411. 

Proctor, John, Jr., 41-2. 

Proctor. John, 81, 93, 11-2, 1-29, 411. 

Proctor, Joseph, 41-2. 

Proctor, Joseph, Jr., 1'29. 

Proctor, Mrs. Rachel, 4-28. 

Proctor, WilHam, 411. 

Prospect Hill, 71, 8-2, 107. 

"Protector," Ship, 1-29. 

Pnrchis, Lient. Oliver, 4. 

Pntnam, Benjamin, -20. 

Putnam, Benjamin, Jr., 81. 

Putnam, Capt. Enoch, 69, 406. 

Putnam, Ezra, 69. 

Putnam, Gen. Lsrael, 47, 70, 76, 98, 

105. 
Putnam, Col. Rufus, 98, 105, 133, 

164. 

Quebec, 77. 
Queen Anne's War, 5. 
Quincy, Josiah, 81. 
Quiner, John, 353. 



Quiner, Susannah (Williams), 353. 
Quiner, Susannah, 353. 



Ram.sdell 
50, -270 
Ramsdell 
Rainsdell 
Ramsdell 
Ramsdell 

417. 
Ramsdell 
Ramsdell 
Ramsdell 
155, 41 
Ramsdell 
Ramsdell 
Ramsdell 
Ranisdell 
Ramsdell 
Ramsdell 
Ramsdell 
Ramsdell 
Ramsdell 
Ram,sdell 
Ramsdell 
Ramsdell 
RS^msdell 
Ramsdell 
Ramsdell 
Ramsdell 
Ramsdell 
Ramsdell 
Ramsdell 
Ramsdell 
Ramsdell 
Ramsdell 
Ramsdell 
Ramsdell 
Ramsdell 
Ramsdell 



4. 



Abedne^o, 31, 43, 46, 48, 

-276, 41-2, 4-2-2. 

Anna, 19-2. 

Deliverance (Smith), 311. 

Dorcas, 266. 

Ebenezer, 140, 413, 415, 

Ilarthan, 100. 

Jacob, 414. 

James, 88, 93, 100, 143, 



James, Jr., 100, 414. 

Joanna (Downing), 415. 

John, XX, 116, 414. 

Joseph, 415. 

Keziah, 354. 

Kimball, or Kynd).'dl, 415. 

Love, "i')'). 

Lydia. -286, 310. 

Maroerity. 414. 

Mary, -210, .3.33, 415. 

Mary (Batten) 415, 417. 

Mescheh, 31. 

Nathan, 58, 116, 415. 

Nathaniel, 415. 

Nehemiah, 116, 311, 416. 

Nehemiah, Jr., 416. 

Noah, '155, 41-2, 415, 417. 

Rachel, 415. 

Rebecca, 414. 

Rhoda, 311. 

Shadrach, 31, 93, 417. 

Silas, 58, 417. 

Susannah (Gross), 416. 

Tabitha, 415, 417. 

Timothy, 414, 417. 

Wilhani, 417. 
Ranger, Brigantine, 1*29. 
Rann, Mary, -2-21. 
Reading, 1, 4. 
Reddin, Benjamin B., 417. 



[xix] 



Ind 



ex 



Ketldin, Jeriisha, 417. 

Reed, Col. James, 7-2. 

Heed, Ke/iah. v>(il. 

Hega, -20(i. 

Revere, Paul, 34, l->8. 

Rhodes, Abigail, 418. 

Rhodes, Amos, 44'-2. 

Rhodes Avenue, 30. 

Rhodes, Ezra, 464. 

Rhodes, Eunice, '-258. 

Rhodes, Hannah, 419. 

Rhodes, Ilezekiah, 418. 

Rhodes, Hannah (Rhodes), 4-20. 

Rhodes, Ignatius, 348, 418, 420, 4-21. 

Rhodes, Jesse, 30, 110, 37-2, 38fi, 418. 

Rhodes, John, 100, 110, 111, 143, 

418, 419. 4-20. 
Rhodes, Joseph, 141. 
Rhodes. Josiah, 141, 183, 419. 
Rhodes's, Lane, -27. 
Rhodes, Mary, 348, 404. 
Rhodes, Samuel, 5, 420. 
Rhodes, Sarah (Merriani), 348, 418, 

4-20, 421. 
Rhodes, Thomas, 4-20. 
Rhodes, WilHam, 421. 
" Rhodes," Ship, 1-29. 
Rice, Beulah, -207. 
Rich, Mrs. Daniel, 446. 
Rich, James, 129, 39-2, 4-21. 
Richards, Edward, xx, 422. 
Richards, James, 421. 
Richards, John, 320, 422, 425. 
Richards, Joseph, 46, 93, 108, 270, 

412, 422. 
Richards, Lydia, 320. 
Richards, Lydia (Phillips), 320, 422, 

425. 
Richards, Tabitha (Williams), 421. 
Richards, William, 421, 425. 
Richards, WiUiam, Jr., 425. 
Richardson, Abigail (Buxton), 427. 
Richardson, Capt. Addison, 68, 69, 

134. 



Richardson, Ebenezer, 31, 93, 110, 

183, 4-26. 
Richardson, Eleazer, 426. 
Richardson, Mary, 222. 
Richardson, Rebecca, 257, 426. 
Richardson, Ruth, 458. 
Richardson, Solomon (Solormon Rit- 

chardson), 72, 426. 
Richardson, Susannah (Carter), 426. 
Riedesel, Major-Gen., 102. 
Roberts, David, 116. 
Roberts, Rachel, 321. 
Roberts, Thomas, 115. 
Robinson, James, 93, 427, 442. 
Robinson, Capt. Joseph, 198. 
Roby, Henry, 80, 428. 
Roby, Joseph, Jr., 14, 430. 
Roby, Rev. Joseph, 14, 52, 119, 428. 
Roby, Mary, 188. 
Roby, Rachel, 347. 
Roby, Priscilla, 428. 
Roby, Thomas, 430. 
Rochester, 206. 
Rogers, Daniel, 116. 
Rogers, George W., 37, 219. 
Rover, Brigantine, 129. 
Roxbury, 11, 82. 
Roxbury Neck, 35. 
Rmnney Marsh, 2. 
Russell, Hannah, 356. 
Russell, Jason, 43, 44, 48. 
Russell, Seth, 224. 
Russell, Sally, 3-20. 

Sagamore Hill, 1. 

Sagamore James, xviii. 

Salem, xix, xx, xxi, 2, 19, 22, 27, 

28, 48, 78, 127. 
Salisbury, 78. 

Saltonstall, Commodore Dudley, 128. 
Saratoga, 105. 
Sargent's Court, 29. 
Sargent, Jenks, 368. 
Sargent, Nathaniel, 158, 271. 



[XX] 



Ind 



ex 



Sargent, Sarali, .SI 8. 
Sargent, Sarah (Jenks), 318. 
Saugus, xviii, 1, -2, ^>5, 26, 35, 39, 40, 

Saw Pitt.s, 93. 

Sawtelle, Mrs. Sarah (Burrill), 242. 

Sawyer, Dorcas, 431. 

Sawyer, Lytlia, 325, 444. 

Sawyer, Major, 72. 

Scaininon, Col. James, 73. 

Schuyler, Gen., 77, 8.3, 97, 98, 102, 

103, 104. 10.5. 10(i. 
Scituate, xv. 
Scott, Daniel, 249. 
Scott, EHzabeth, 249. 
Seaver, EHjah, 224. 
Seconil ('oin])any of Foot, 34. 
Shaw, IJeiijaniiii. 110. 
Shays. Cai')t.. 180. 
Sheldon. E|)hraiin. 431. 
Sheldon. Francis. 18.5, 431. 
Sheldon, Lydia, 431. 
Shepard Street, 27. 
Sherman, Dorcas (Sawyer), 431. 
Sherman, Kate, 234. 
Sherman, Nathaniel, 21, 234, 35.5, 

431. 
Sherman, Rebecca, 355. 
Sherman, Susannah, 234. 
Shorey, John L., 31. 
Simmons, Pomp, 169. 
Skenesborough, 103. 
Skerry, Henry, 116. 
Skilliiig. Elizabeth. 232. 
Skilling. Ruth (Phillips). 232. 
Skinner. Benjamin S., 196, 288, 368. 
Skinner. William, 110, 111. 
Sloan, Sarah, 428. 
Smith, Abigail, 293, 405. 
Smith, Abraham, 110. 
Smith. Amos. 293, 432. 
Smith. Elizabeth, 210, 214, 267. 
Smith, Elizabeth (Lynde), 433. 
Smith, Esther, 198." 



Smith, Francis, Jr., 433. 

Smith, Francis, 299, 433. 

Smith, Henry E., 294. 

Smith, John,' 141, 433. 

Smith, Jonathan, 344, 405. 

Smith, Joshua H., 137. 

Smith, Lieut.-Col., 41. 

Smith, Polly, 293. 

Smith, Mary (Perkins), 432. 

Smith, Mercy (Hawkes). 405. 

Smith. Mrs. Mary (Sarah:-'), 457. 

Smith, Ruth (Hunting), .344. 

Smith, Sally, 344. 

Smith, Mrs. Susanna, 410. 

Smith, Susannah (Souden), 383. 

South Kingston, R.L., 5. 

South Reading. 41. 

Southwick, Margaret. 395. 

Sorel River, 96. 

Spaulding, Col., 68. 

Spo fiord, David, Jr.. 273. 

Spofford, Elizabeth, 272. 

Spofford, EHzabeth (Griffin), 273. 

Sprague, Peter, 100. 

Springfield, 47, 107. 

Stacy, Ambrose, 433. 

Stacey. Ebenezer, 100, 433. 

Stacey, Henry. 5. 

Stacey, Nathaniel, 110. 

StanA\-ix, Fort. 104, 132. 

Stark, Gen. John, 71, 76, 77, 104. 

Steuben, Baron, 117. 

Stevens, Major Ebenezer, 99. 

Stejihen Hall Farm. 227. 

Stewart. Robert. 101. 

Stickney, J. C., 369. 

Stillwater, 103, 105, 106. 

Stocker, Abigail, 312. 

Stocker, Ebenezer, 57, 434. 

Stocker, Ebenezer, Jr., 57, 435. 

Stocker, EHjah, 111, 268, 436. 

Stocker, EHzabeth, 394. 

Stocker, Mrs. EHzabeth, 343. 

Stocker, Elizabeth (Griffin), 437. 



[ •^>;i ] 



Ind 



ex 



Stocker, Elizabeth Mansfield, 394, 

436, 437. 
Stocker, Enoch, 100, 436. 
Stocker, Ephraim, ^27^2, 435, 436. 
Stocker, Hannah, 272. 
Stocker, James, 100. 
Stocker, Jane, 227. 
Stocker, John, 434, 436. 
Stocker, Joseph, 57, 108, 110, 140. 
Stocker, Capt. Joseph, 437. 
Stocker, Lydia, 435. 
Stocker, Lydia (Newhail), 272. 
Stocker, Martha, 344. 
Stocker, Mary, 207. 
Stocker, Ruth (Breed), 227, 434, 436. 
Stocker, Samuel, 437. 
Stocker, Sarah, 195, 268. 
Stocker, Susanna, 455. 
Stocker, Thomas, 268, 277, 394, 

436, 437. 
Stocker, Thomas T., 276. 
Stone, Edward, 116. 
Stone, Elizabeth, 377. 
Stone, Joseph, 116. 
Stone, Katherine, 392. 
Stone, Mary, 192. 
Stone, Rebecca, 227. 
Stone, Robert, 110. 
Stone, Sarah, 257. 
Storer, Ruth, 386. 
Strawberry Avenue, 27, 63. 
Strawberry Lane, 30. 
Strawberry Brook, 2, 30. 
St. Clair, Gen., 102, 103. 
St. Andrew's Lodge, 248. 
St. Lawrence River, 96. 
St. Leger, Col., 96, 104. 
Suffolk County, 5, 24, 91. 
SulHvan, Gen! John, 71, 76, 97, 118, 

121, 122, 129. 
Swain, John, 93, 143, 438. 
Swain, Sarah, 438. 
Swamp Fight, 5. 
Swampscott, 1, 25, 26, 46. 



Sweet, or Swett, Anna, 310. 

Sweetser, Major Benjamin, 262. 

Sweetser, Lydia, 262. 

Sweetser, Lydia (Hawkes), 439. 

Sweetser, Mary (Rhodes), 439. 

Sweetser, Nancy, 258. 

Sweetser, Phineas, 439. 

Sweetser, Samuel, 110, 112,307,439. 

Sweetser, WilHam, 258, 262. 

Symonds, Francis, 67. 

Swift, Patience, 372. 

Symons, or Simms, John, 141, 439. 

Talbot, Ambrose, 440. 

Tallmadge, Major, 138. 

Tappan, 137, 138, 139. 

Tarbell, Jonathan, 366, 457. 

Tarbell, Mary, 366. 

Tarbell, Sarah, 36(). 

Tarbell, Mary (Felton), 457. 

Tarbell, Rebecca, 457. 

Tarbox, Abigail (Baxter), 440, 44. 

Tarbox, Andrew, 5. 

Tarbox, Anna, 440. 

Tarbox, Baxter, 440. 

Tarbox, Benjamin, 58, 93, 100, 111, 

116, 440. 
Tarbox, Daniel, 441. 
Tarbox, Jacob, 440, 441. 
Tarbox, Joanna, 412. 
Tarbox, Mary, 441. 
Tarbox, Nathaniel, 30, 49, 58, 116, 

141, 441, 442. 
Tarbox, Nathaniel, Jr., 30, 93, 116, 

442. 
Tarbox, Rebecca, 419. 
Tarbox, Rebecca (Pearce), 442. 
Tarbox, Samuel, 5. 
Tarbox, Timothy, 110. 
Tarbox, William, 30, 81, 85, 92, 

116, 141, 183, 301, 443. 
Tarrytown, 139. 
"Tartar," Ship, 129. 
Taunton, 119. 



[ xxii ] 



Ind 



ex 



Taylor, Abigail, 214. 

Taylor, Father, Edward T., 301. 

Taylor, Mary, 20.'5, 2G1. 

Taylor, Samuel, 186. 

Taylor, Thomas, 107. 

Thissel, Sarah, 280. 

Thomas, Kliza, 281. 

Thomas, Mrs. Elizabeth (Tarbox), 

281. 
Thomas, (ien., 70, 82, S5. 
"Thomas," Shi|), 120. 
'l'hom|)S()n, Anne, 238. 
i'hompson, Edward, 117, 111. 
Thompson, James, 141. 
Thompson, Susannah, 'i')'). 
Three County I'roop, .j. 
Ticonderoga, .5, 82, 97, 102, 103, 

117. 
Titcoiiib, Col. Jonathan, 115, 120. 
Tiverton, 119, 120, 122. 
Tomlins. Edward, 4. 
Tower Hill, 2, 29, 40. 
Towne, Martha, 328. 
Townsend, Andrew, 5. 
Townsend, Betty, 350. 
Townsend, Daniel, 43, 48, 208, 259. 

276, 342, 350, 444, 461. 
'^Pownsend, Lydia (Sawyer),' 444, 

446. 
Town.send, Sarah, 410. 
Townsend, Thomas, xxi, 143, 350, 

406, 446. 
Townsend, WilHam H., 446. 
"Towny," 27. 
Tracey, C}tus M., 245. 
Trask, Elizabeth, 330. 
Treadwell, Rev. John, 25, 52, 190, 

447. 
Trench, William, 58, 448. 
Trenton. 89. 94. 
Trumbull. Mary, 188. 
Tuck, John, 111. 
Tucker, Adjutant, 171. 
Tucker, Ehzabeth, 314. 



Tucker, John, 314. 

Tucker, Mary, 314. 

Tufts, David," 183, 448. 

Tufts, Grimes, 57, 69, 449. 

Turner, Edward, 449. 

Turner, Ca])t. Nathaniel, 3. 

'i^itlle, Anne, 240. 

Tuttle, Ebenezer, 111, 449. 

Tuttle, Edward, 449. 

Tuttle, Joanna, 452. 

Tuttle, John, 100, 449, 450, 451. 

Tuttle, John, Jr., 450. 

Tuttle, Mary (Burrill), 450, 451. 

Tuttle, Richard, 112, 449, 450. 

Tuttle, Samuel, 451. 

Tuttle, Mrs. Susanna (Florence), 

278. 
Tuttle, Thomas, 112. 
Tuttle, WilHam, 452. 
Twiss, or Twist, Anna, 225. 
Twist, Benjamin, 58, 450. 
Twist, Ephraim, 92, 338, 396, 453. 
Twist, Mary, 457. 
Twogood, Capt., 167. 
" T>Tannicide," Brigantine, 129. 

Upham, Mary, 403. 

Upham, Sarah, 411. 

Upton, Abraham, 109. 453. 

Upton, Job, 169. 

Upton, John, 57. (i9, 112, 143, 226, 

445, 453. 
Upton, Sarah, 199. 
Upton, Susannah, .386, 453. 
Upton, Susannah (Daggett), 453. 
Ujiton, Tabitha, 453. 
Upton, Zerviah, 445. 

Van Schaick's Island, 106. 

Varnum, Col. and Gen., 72, 120. 

Viall, Boynton, 455. 

Viall, John, 455. 

Viall, Mary, 217. 

Viall, Mary (Tuttle), 455. 



[ xxiii ] 



Ind 



ex 



Viall, Nathaniel, 141, 45.5. 
Viall, Samuel, 100, 143, 455, 456. 
Viall, Sarah, 188. 
Viles, Bowman, 2*^6. 
Vose, C\)l. Joseph, 98, lOG. 

Wait, Aaron, 116. 

Wait, Abigail, ^21^2. 

Wait, Mary, 448. 

Wait, Mrs." Sarah (Ilawkcs), ^260, 

456. 
Waite, Dorcas, 433. 
Waitt, Ezra, 456. 
Waitt. Isaac, 401. 
Waitt, John, 100, 45(5. 
Waitt. iMary, ^27^2. 
Walden. Isaiah, '246. 
Walker, Joshua, 4^26. 
Walker, Mary, 4^26. 
Wallis, Jemima, 397. 
Walton, Eunice (Hawkes), 438. 
Walton, Ehzabeth (Green), 457. 
Walton. Jacob, 438. 
Walton, Josiah, 457, 458. 
Walton, Lois, 438. 
Walton, Jonathan, 457. 
Walton, Nathan, 109, 457. 
Walton, Oliver, 140, 457. 
Walton, Mary, '200. 
Walton, Ruth (Richardson). 457, 

458. 
Walton, Timothy, 458. 
Ward, Gen. Artemas, 53, 59, 66, 

68, 70, 76, 85. 
Ward, John, 116. 
Warren, Dr. John, '250. 
Warren, Gen. Joseph, 35, 45, 66, 

250. 
"Warren," Ship, 1'28. 
Washington, Fort, 86, 87, 88, 93. 
Washington, Gen. George, 30, 59, 

66, 71, 77, 85, 86, 89, 90, 97, 

103, 117, 118, 1'2'2, 1'23, 134, 136. 

138, 139, 14'2, 144. 



Water Hill, 14, '29, 35. 

Watertown, xx, xxi, 107. 

Waters, Eunice, 408. 

Watts, Charles, 143. 

Watts, Daniel, 28, 109, 110, 111, 

183, 341, 458. 
Watts, Elizabeth (Ingalls), 458. 
Watts, John, 57, 1 Hi. 301, 458, 460. 
Watts, Stephen R., 461. 
Watts, William, 116, 460, 461. 
Webb, Capt. George, 133. 
Webber, Sarah, 189. 
Wellman, Abraham, 101, 461. 
Wellman, Caleb, 141. 
Wellman, Esther (Newhall), 461. 
Wellman, Isaac, 5. 
Wellman, James, 4(n. 
Wellman, Jesse, 461. 
Wellman, Jonathan, 461. 
Wellman, Stephen, 461, 46'2. 
Wellman, Susanna, '2'29. 
Wellman, Susanna (Pedrick), 461, 

46-2. 
Wellman, Thomas, 11'2, '2'29, 46'2. 
Welman, James, 143. 
West Point, 136, 140. 
West, George, Jr., 80. 
Western Avenue, '27. 
Weston, 107. 

Wheeler, Samuel, 58, 463. 
Wheelock, Col., 68. 
Whetcomb, Gen., 68. 
Whipple, Capt. Job, 69. 
White, Harfail, 69. 
White Plains, 93. 
White. Thomas, 141. 
Wliiting Street, '27. 
Whitman, Jesse, 58, 100, 463. 
Whitman, Matthew, 463. 
Wliitman, Martha (Humphrey), 

463. 
Whitney, Stephen, 463. 
Whittemore, Edm., 116. 
Whittemore, Edward, 345. 



[ xxiv ] 



Ind 



ex 



Whitteinore, Elizahoth, 'M't, 448. 

WliitliMnorc, Uetire, IIG. 

Whitteiiiore, William, 4(58. 

Wilkin.s, Stephen, GJ). 

Wilson, Beiiianiin, ';^4(). 

Wilks, Willij'nn, 101. 

Williams, Daniel, 4(i4. 

Williams, Khenezer, 171, 4()4. 

Williams, Eliz;ihetli, 03. 

Williams, nei)zil>ali, 848 

Williams, Joseph, 111, 148, 4(54. 

Williams, Susannah, 353. 

Williams, Tabitha, 348, 4'->l, 4^25. 

W'illiams, Thomas, 464. 

Williams, WilHam, 848. 

Willis's Hill. 2. 

Willis, John, 80, 11^>, 188, t>87, 4()4. 

Willis, Thomas, xx. 

Wilson, Benjamin, 4().'>. 

Wilson, Elizabeth, "•2(51. 

Wilson, Jemima (Day), 4()(). 

Wilson, Samuel, ^299,' 4(50. 

W^j'Ison, Samuel, Jr., 4()(). 

W^in<>;, Israel, 4GG. 

Wimi, John, 4.34. 

Winship, Jason, 48. 

W' inter Hill, 70, 71, 82. 



Winthrop, Gov. John, x.x. 
Witt, Benjamin. 
Witt, Lydia, 424. 
Witt, Hulh, 24G. 
Witt, Ruth (Breed), 24G. 
Witt, Mary, 440. 
WUhhI, John, xviii. 
Wood, William, xv, xviii, xvi. 
Woodbridt^e, Col., 72. 
W(jodbury, Hannah, 41'2. 
Woodend, 2, 27. 
Wooster, Gen., 7(5. 
Worcester, lOG, 107. 
Worcester County, 20, 24. 
Wright, Sarah, 813. 
Wyatt, Mary, 237. 
Wyburd, John, IIG. 
Wyman, Jabez, 48. 
Wyman, Lieut. -Col., 7*2. 
Wyman Street, '29. 
Wyman, Susannah, 273. 

York County, 91. 
Young, Henry, 58, 100, 4G6. 
Young, Martha, 415. 
Young, Sarah, 415. 
Young, Thomas, 466. 



[ XXV ] 



€ 907 



